The Study IAS

Month: September 2025

  • Recognition of Palestine: A Powerful Geopolitical Shift

    Recognition of Palestine: A Powerful Geopolitical Shift

    The recognition of Palestine by the UK, Canada, France, Portugal, Australia, and Belgium marks a historic geopolitical shift. This article explores the reasons behind recognition, the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, implications for global alliances, India’s balancing act between Israel and Palestine, and the future of the two-state solution.

    Recognition of Palestine: A Powerful Geopolitical Shift

    Introduction

    In a historic diplomatic shift, countries such as the UK, Canada, France, Portugal, Australia, and Belgium (expected) have formally recognised the State of Palestine. This marks a watershed moment in international politics, especially as Britain justified its move as an effort to “keep alive the possibility of peace.” The recognition comes amid one of the worst humanitarian crises in Gaza’s history, where over 65,000 deaths and mass displacement (as per UN OCHA, 2025) have pushed global powers to act.

    This blog examines why recognition has come at this juncture, its geopolitical significance, its ties with India’s foreign policy, and its broader impact on the Middle East and beyond.

    Why Are Countries Recognising Palestine Now?

    1. Cautious European Stance in the Past

    For decades, Europe’s stance on Palestine and the two-state solution was largely cautious. While many European nations supported UN resolutions calling for Palestinian rights, most refrained from outright recognition. Instead, they maintained diplomatic ties with Israel and advocated for a negotiated peace settlement. The belief was that recognition before a peace agreement might derail dialogue.

    However, after decades of conflict and failed negotiations, that position has shifted. Western powers are now aligning with 150+ countries worldwide that already recognise Palestinian statehood, underscoring a belief that diplomacy must move forward rather than remain stalled.

    2. Humanitarian Crisis in Gaza

    The scale of destruction in Gaza has created immense international pressure. UN agencies report 65,000+ deaths, famine conditions, and forced displacement of millions. The UN Human Rights Council’s 2025 report even accused Israel of committing genocide, further intensifying demands for accountability.

    This humanitarian catastrophe has made silence politically costly, particularly in liberal democracies where public opinion is swayed by images of suffering and grassroots protests. The recognition of Palestine is, therefore, both a humanitarian and political act.

    3. Frustration with Israel’s Policies

    Israel’s continued expansion of settlements in the West Bank is widely seen as undermining the two-state solution. Despite repeated UN Security Council Resolutions (242 & 338) calling for withdrawal from occupied territories, successive Israeli governments have pursued expansionist policies.

    Western recognition of Palestine is thus a diplomatic signal against illegal occupation, reflecting a mounting frustration with Israel’s defiance of international law.

    4. Domestic Political Pressures in the West

    Recognition also stems from domestic compulsions. In the UK, Prime Minister Keir Starmer faced mounting demands within his Labour Party to adopt a firmer stance. Across Western capitals—London, Paris, Ottawa, Sydney—massive protests highlighted the famine and destruction in Gaza, pushing leaders to act.

    Recognition became a way of responding to domestic political pressure while maintaining credibility in global diplomacy.

    5. Historical Responsibility

    For Britain, the decision has a historical context. The Balfour Declaration of 1917 promised a Jewish homeland but also protection for Palestinian rights. Palestinians argue that the latter promise was never fulfilled. Recognition is now presented as rectifying a colonial-era wrong, a symbolic but politically potent gesture.

    6. Strategic Diplomatic Signalling

    By joining 150+ countries that already recognise Palestine, these Western nations are signalling that the two-state solution is the only viable path to sustainable peace. It also demonstrates a willingness to diverge from U.S. policy, underlining a more independent European diplomatic line.

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    How does this tie with India’s stance?

    • India recognised Palestine in 1988, while also maintaining ties with Israel since 1992.
    • As per Economic Survey 2022-23, West Asia is vital for India’s energy security (over 60% crude imports) and remittances (~$90 bn annually from the Gulf).
    • Hence, India balances support for Palestinian statehood with deepening defence and tech partnerships with Israel.

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    India’s Stance on Palestine and Israel

    India recognised Palestine as a state in 1988, making it one of the earliest non-Arab countries to do so. At the same time, India established formal ties with Israel in 1992, pursuing a balancing strategy.

    Importance of West Asia for India

    • Energy Security: Over 60% of India’s crude oil comes from West Asia.

    • Remittances: Gulf countries contribute around $90 billion annually through the Indian diaspora.

    • Strategic Partnerships: Defence and technology cooperation with Israel has deepened significantly in the past decade.

    Thus, India walks a diplomatic tightrope—supporting Palestinian statehood on principle while nurturing strong ties with Israel. Recognition by more Western states strengthens India’s consistent position that peace must come through the two-state solution.

    Geopolitical Implications of Palestine Recognition

    1. Strain in Western Alliances

    The recognition has exposed transatlantic rifts. U.S. President Donald Trump opposed Palestinian recognition, insisting that only direct negotiations could lead to peace. The divergence highlights weakening collective Western influence in the Middle East.

    2. Escalation of Israeli Response

    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu threatened to annex more areas of the West Bank, deepening the crisis. Annexation would not only intensify conflict but could push Israel into deeper isolation, even among Western allies.

    3. Boost to Palestinian Diplomacy

    Recognition revives the legitimacy of the Palestinian Authority (PA), strengthening its hand in international forums like the UN, ICC, and the G77 group. It allows Palestine to leverage new diplomatic support in negotiations and humanitarian aid efforts.

    4. Global South Solidarity

    For decades, Palestine has enjoyed the support of Asian, African, and Latin American countries. Now, with Western recognition, Palestine’s diplomatic case strengthens further, particularly in the Global South coalition, potentially reshaping multilateral negotiations on development and humanitarian issues.

    5. Regional Balance and Security Concerns

    Some fear that recognition might embolden militant groups like Hamas, weakening moderates. However, others argue that recognition empowers moderate voices by strengthening the Palestinian Authority and providing a political alternative to armed resistance. In the long run, this may stabilise the region rather than destabilise it.

    The New York Declaration

    The New York Declaration (2025) is a key outcome accompanying recognition. It calls for “tangible, timebound, and irreversible steps” toward a two-state solution. This reflects an emerging consensus that symbolic gestures must be backed by practical policy measures—whether through aid, peace talks, or monitoring mechanisms.

    Historical and Symbolic Weight of Recognition

    Recognition is not merely a legal step. It is symbolically powerful, akin to recognising the legitimacy of a people’s struggle for self-determination. For Palestinians, it offers international validation of their identity and aspirations, after decades of war, displacement, and occupation.

    For Israel, however, it is seen as an existential challenge that delegitimises its security arguments. This clash of narratives ensures that recognition will not end conflict immediately, but it shifts the diplomatic centre of gravity.

    Conclusion

    The recognition of Palestine by Western powers marks a geopolitical turning point. It reflects humanitarian urgency, political pressures, historical responsibilities, and strategic recalibrations. While risks of escalation remain, recognition restores momentum to the two-state solution, making it harder for the issue to be ignored in international diplomacy.

    For India, the development validates its long-held position of supporting Palestinian statehood while balancing ties with Israel. In the larger picture, recognition represents not only a powerful symbolic gesture but also a practical diplomatic tool to revive hope for peace in one of the world’s most volatile regions.

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    The Source’s Authority and Ownership of the Article is Claimed By THE STUDY IAS BY MANIKANT SINGH

  • H-1B Visa Fee Row: India’s Diplomacy Under Strain

    H-1B Visa Fee Row: India’s Diplomacy Under Strain

    The U.S. H-1B visa fee hike exposes India’s foreign policy challenges. This blog analyses India’s diplomatic failures and successes with the U.S., Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, China, and Russia, while highlighting future reforms—multilateral bargaining, diaspora diplomacy, trade-migration linkages, and domestic skilling. Relevant for UPSC GS-II & GS-III.

    H-1B Visa Fee Row: India’s Diplomacy Under Strain

    Introduction

    Diplomacy is not measured merely in summits, handshakes, or headline-making speeches. Its true test lies in whether a nation can secure tangible outcomes for its citizens and industries. India’s long-cherished idea of strategic autonomy—to remain independent while engaging widely—has recently come under strain. The most recent example is the U.S. decision to impose steep H-1B visa fees, a move that directly affects lakhs of Indian professionals and raises uncomfortable questions about the effectiveness of India’s foreign policy.

    This blog evaluates how India has fared in navigating global headwinds, highlighting both failures and successes of diplomacy, and what reforms are needed to secure long-term interests. For UPSC aspirants, this discussion is relevant to GS Paper II (International Relations, Governance, and Polity) and GS Paper III (Economy and Technology).

    What Does the H-1B Visa Episode Imply?

    The H-1B episode underscores a dual reality for Indian foreign policy:

    1. Rising Visibility: India is increasingly acknowledged as a major power, invited to lead or co-lead global forums like the G20 and the Quad.

    2. Persistent Vulnerabilities: Despite this status, India has struggled to shield its core labour and economic interests, especially in negotiations with advanced economies.

    Effective diplomacy must therefore move beyond optics and high-level summits to focus on trade, technology, and people-centric strategies that directly impact citizens.

    Failures of Indian Foreign Policy

    United States

    • H-1B Visa Fee Hike: The imposition of a USD 100,000 annual sponsorship fee disproportionately hits Indian professionals, who form nearly 70–80% of H-1B recipients.

    • Higher Tariffs and Stalled FTA: U.S. tariffs on Indian goods and a stalled Free Trade Agreement since 2018 show limited progress in economic negotiations.

    • Secondary Sanctions: American sanctions on Iran disrupted India’s Chabahar Port operations, jeopardising its connectivity plans to Afghanistan and Central Asia.

    Saudi Arabia

    • Riyadh has strengthened defense and nuclear cooperation with Pakistan, complicating India’s regional security and strategic leverage in West Asia.

    Pakistan

    • The Pahalgam terror attack intensified hostilities, reminding India of the persistent threat from cross-border terrorism.

    China

    • During Operation Sindoor, Beijing openly backed Pakistan, supplying drones, arms, and munitions.

    • Border crises and trade imbalances continue to expose India’s vulnerabilities vis-à-vis China.

    Russia

    • India’s balancing act in the Ukraine conflict has left Moscow ambiguous in its support.

    • Russia’s growing closeness to China further weakens India’s traditional reliance on the Russia-India partnership.

    Taken together, these setbacks show that India is often reacting to global events rather than shaping them.

    Successes of Indian Foreign Policy

    United States and Quad

    • Despite disputes, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio (2025) reaffirmed India’s centrality in the Quad, aimed at balancing China in the Indo-Pacific.

    Global Role and Soft Power

    • G20 Presidency 2023: India successfully hosted and set the agenda on digital economy, climate action, and Global South concerns.

    • BRICS Expansion: India secured a voice in shaping multipolarity.

    • Quad Leadership: Actively shaping Indo-Pacific security dialogues.

    Economic Partnerships

    • Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) signed with the UK, UAE, and Australia have boosted trade diversification.

    • Supply-chain resilience agreements with Japan and the EU reduce dependence on China.

    • Energy diversification post-Ukraine war, including renewables and Middle East oil partnerships, strengthens India’s energy security.

    • Japan pledged 10 trillion yen investment over the next decade, signaling strong economic confidence.

    Diaspora Diplomacy

    • India’s 34 million-strong diaspora is a unique strength. Mobilised effectively, it provides lobbying power in host countries, especially the U.S., UK, and Canada.

    Thus, India’s diplomacy has not been devoid of achievements; the challenge lies in converting visibility into leverage.

    Why India’s Diplomacy Feels Reactive

    • Over-reliance on major powers: Too dependent on the U.S. for migration and technology, on Russia for arms, and on China for trade inputs.

    • Personal Diplomacy > Institutional Diplomacy: Heavy reliance on high-profile summits rather than long-term institutionalised bargaining weakens continuity.

    • Trade-Service Disconnect: While services (especially IT) are India’s strength, trade negotiations rarely integrate labour mobility provisions.

    • Limited Multilateral Bargaining: India often engages bilaterally, missing opportunities in multilateral forums like the WTO, ILO, or GATS (Mode 4 services).

    What Needs to Be Done?

    1. Strengthen Multilateral Bargaining

    • Use forums like the EU, WTO, ILO, and BRICS to push labour mobility and digital trade agendas.

    • Negotiate migration-related provisions in FTAs, similar to the India-UK FTA discussions.

    2. Diversify Markets and Reduce Overdependence

    • As highlighted in the Economic Survey 2022–23, India must reduce its reliance on the U.S. for IT and pharma exports.

    • Expanding into Africa, ASEAN, and Latin America can shield India from shocks like H-1B fee hikes.

    3. Institutionalise Diaspora Diplomacy

    • Create a coordinated lobbying framework, modeled after Israel’s or Ireland’s diaspora engagement strategies, to amplify Indian interests in Washington, Brussels, and other capitals.

    4. Link Trade with Migration

    • Mode 4 (GATS), which covers movement of natural persons, should be made a standard demand in trade negotiations.

    • Trade deals must secure not just goods access but also visa and work mobility provisions.

    5. Ensure Strategic Consistency

    • Reduce ad-hocism by building stronger institutional foreign policy mechanisms.

    • Align ministries (MEA, Commerce, Labour) to ensure coherence in negotiations.

    6. Invest in Domestic Skilling and Opportunities

    • Reduce vulnerability abroad by generating high-end jobs at home.

    • Strengthen Skill India, Digital India, and semiconductor missions to retain talent domestically.

    Conclusion

    India’s foreign policy today is a study in contrasts. On the one hand, it commands global respect and visibility through leadership in forums like the G20, Quad, and BRICS. On the other, it suffers from weaknesses in protecting core national interests such as labour mobility, technology access, and trade stability.

    The H-1B visa fee row exemplifies this paradox: while India aspires to global leadership, its citizens’ opportunities abroad remain vulnerable to foreign domestic politics.

    The way forward lies in rebalancing diplomacy:

    • From optics to outcomes.

    • From personal to institutional diplomacy.

    • From dependence on a few powers to diversified partnerships.

    • From reactive responses to proactive agenda-setting.

    If India succeeds in these reforms, it can transform from a visible global player into a truly influential one, securing both prestige abroad and prosperity at home.

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    The Source’s Authority and Ownership of the Article is Claimed By THE STUDY IAS BY MANIKANT SINGH

  • Operation Aaghaat: A Crackdown on Organised Crime in Delhi

    Operation Aaghaat: A Crackdown on Organised Crime in Delhi

    Operation Aaghaat was launched by Delhi Police in 2025 to curb organised crime. This blog explains its objectives, methods, implications, India’s rank in the Global Organised Crime Index, links to the Golden Triangle, BNS 2023 provisions, and the way forward. A must-read for UPSC aspirants (GS II & III).

    Operation Aaghaat: A Crackdown on Organised Crime in Delhi

    Introduction

    Organised crime is a persistent threat to India’s internal security, eroding law and order, undermining governance, and fueling transnational criminal networks. In September 2025, the Delhi Police launched “Operation Aaghaat”, a coordinated and large-scale initiative to crack down on habitual offenders, recover illegal arms and narcotics, and restore public confidence in policing. The operation not only demonstrated the state’s resolve to curb organised crime but also reflected India’s evolving approach to preventive policing under new legal frameworks such as the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023.

    For UPSC aspirants, this topic holds significance under GS Paper II (Governance, Polity, Security) and GS Paper III (Internal Security, Organised Crime, Terrorism). It also intersects with Ethics (Paper IV), as it deals with governance, trust-building, and accountability.

    What Was Operation Aaghaat?

    Operation Aaghaat was a district-wide, multi-location crackdown against organised crime in Delhi, involving:

    • Raids and Searches: Conducted simultaneously across high-crime zones to ensure surprise and effectiveness.

    • Arrests: Over 70 individuals apprehended, including habitual offenders and those with prior criminal records.

    • Seizures: Recovery of illegal weapons, narcotics, and contraband, disrupting immediate criminal supply chains.

    • Preventive Policing: Action taken under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), and the Delhi Police Act to pre-empt crimes before they occur.

    • Community Engagement: Police actively sought community support, encouraging citizens to report suspicious activity, thereby strengthening trust in law enforcement.

    By combining intelligence gathering, surveillance, and public participation, Operation Aaghaat went beyond reactive policing to embrace a proactive, deterrent-oriented strategy.

    How Severe is Organised Crime in India?

    Organised crime in India is multi-dimensional and deeply entrenched, with implications for national security, governance, and international relations.

    Global Crime Index

    • According to the Global Organised Crime Index 2023, India ranks 61st out of 193 countries, placing it in the category of nations with notable levels of criminality.

    • This ranking reflects the persistence of networks involved in narcotics trafficking, extortion, cybercrime, human trafficking, and terrorism.

    Regional Vulnerabilities

    • Northeast India is highly vulnerable due to its proximity to the Golden Triangle (Myanmar–Laos–Thailand), a hub for narcotics trafficking.

    • Cross-border smuggling of arms, drugs, and wildlife continues to undermine state authority in border regions.

    Criminal Law and Organised Crime

    • The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023 explicitly targets organised crime, terror financing, and cyber-enabled offences, recognising the need for updated frameworks to address evolving threats.

    • States like Maharashtra have enacted special laws like MCOCA (Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act), reflecting regional adaptations to this pan-India problem.

    Transnational Dimensions

    • Organised crime in India is increasingly transnational.

    • The recent India–Canada NSA talks highlighted threats posed by terrorism, money laundering, and drug syndicates that operate across borders, making cooperation essential.

    Why Organised Crime Persists in India

    1. Economic Incentives

      • Lucrative returns from narcotics, human trafficking, and cyber fraud encourage expansion.

      • Informal economies and weak regulation create fertile ground.

    2. Political-Criminal Nexus

      • Local criminals often enjoy protection from political patrons, making enforcement patchy.

    3. Weak Institutional Capacity

      • Overburdened police forces, delays in justice delivery, and lack of specialised training hinder effective suppression.

    4. Technological Adaptation

      • Criminals now leverage dark web, encrypted communication, and cryptocurrency to evade detection.

    5. Socio-Economic Conditions

      • Poverty, unemployment, and marginalisation drive recruitment into criminal networks, especially among youth.

    Operation Aaghaat in Context of Preventive Policing

    Operation Aaghaat represents a shift in policing philosophy:

    • From Reactive to Preventive: Instead of waiting for crimes to occur, it sought to disrupt networks before execution.

    • BNSS Provisions: The Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) has strengthened preventive detention and bail provisions, providing stronger tools for police.

    • Community-Oriented Policing: By engaging citizens, police bridged trust deficits, an essential element in crime-prone areas.

    • Surveillance & Intelligence: Emphasis on data-driven intelligence, hotspot mapping, and predictive analysis aligns with global best practices.

    This is particularly relevant for UPSC GS Paper II & III, where reforms in policing and internal security form recurring themes.

    Case Studies of Organised Crime Crackdowns

    To situate Operation Aaghaat within a broader perspective, we can look at:

    • Mumbai (1990s): Crackdowns on the underworld reduced open gang wars but led to networks shifting into white-collar crimes.

    • Punjab (1990s): Anti-terror operations weakened militancy but inadvertently strengthened narcotics networks.

    • Northeast India: Ongoing insurgencies reveal the complex overlap of political violence and organised crime.

    Each case demonstrates the adaptive resilience of organised crime and the need for sustained, multi-pronged strategies.

    Implications for Governance and Security

    Positive Outcomes of Operation Aaghaat

    • Deterrence: Visible policing instils fear among habitual offenders.

    • Trust-building: Community participation improves law enforcement credibility.

    • Network Disruption: Confiscation of weapons and drugs disrupts supply chains, even if temporarily.

    Challenges Ahead

    • Sustainability: Crackdowns risk being one-off events without long-term institutional reform.

    • Judicial Backlog: Arrests must translate into convictions; otherwise, offenders return to streets.

    • Human Rights Concerns: Preventive policing must balance security with protection of civil liberties.

    • Global Coordination: Since organised crime has transnational linkages, operations like Aaghaat must be supported by international intelligence sharing.

    India’s Broader Response to Organised Crime

    India’s evolving response combines legislation, institutional reform, and international cooperation:

    1. Legislation:

      • BNS 2023 (targeting organised crime, cybercrime, and terror financing).

      • Special state laws like MCOCA (Maharashtra) and KCOCA (Karnataka).

    2. Institutions:

      • NIA, CBI, and specialised anti-narcotics and cybercrime units.

      • State-level task forces for hotspots like Delhi, Mumbai, and border states.

    3. Technology:

      • Big data, AI surveillance, and forensic cyber tools.

      • Linking Aadhaar, CCTNS, and NATGRID databases.

    4. International Cooperation:

      • Engagement with Interpol, UNODC, and bilateral NSAs (e.g., India–Canada, India–U.S.).

      • Participation in conventions like the UN Convention against Transnational Organised Crime (UNTOC).

    Way Forward

    Operation Aaghaat is a reminder that organised crime is not just a policing challenge but a governance issue. A multi-layered strategy is essential:

    • Strengthen Community Policing: Build citizen trust to enhance intelligence flow.

    • Speedy Justice: Fast-track courts for organised crime cases.

    • Economic Alternatives: Address socio-economic roots of crime by providing livelihood opportunities.

    • Police Modernisation: Expand training in cyber forensics, financial intelligence, and transnational crime.

    • Centre–State Coordination: Strengthen cooperative federalism in law enforcement.

    • Ethical Policing: Balance deterrence with respect for human rights, preventing alienation of marginalised communities.

    Conclusion

    Operation Aaghaat symbolises Delhi Police’s determination to strike at the roots of organised crime, using preventive policing, community engagement, and coordinated crackdowns. However, its long-term success depends on sustained institutional reform, judicial effectiveness, and societal participation.

    For India, ranked 61st globally in organised crime, the fight is far from over. Crackdowns like Operation Aaghaat are necessary but not sufficient—they must be part of a holistic internal security strategy that combines law enforcement, governance reform, socio-economic development, and international cooperation.

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    The Source’s Authority and Ownership of the Article is Claimed By THE STUDY IAS BY MANIKANT SINGH

  • President’s Rule in India under Article 356

    President’s Rule in India under Article 356

    Learn about President’s Rule in India under Article 356 of the Constitution. This blog explains its provisions, grounds for imposition, historical misuse, judicial safeguards like the S.R. Bommai case, and recent applications in Manipur, J&K, Punjab, and Maharashtra. Essential for UPSC aspirants studying polity, governance, and federalism.

    President’s Rule in India under Article 356

    Context:

    During the recent Monsoon Session of Parliament, President’s Rule in Manipur was extended for another six months.

    What is the President’s Rule?

    The President’s Rule under Article 356 empowers the Centre to take direct control of a state through the President if its constitutional machinery fails.  It is also known as ‘Constitutional Emergency’ or ‘State Emergency’. This provision was based on the Government of India Act, 1935.

    What was the debate about President’s Rule in the Constituent Assembly?

    The debate on President’s Rule in the Constituent Assembly revolved around balancing the need for a constitutional safeguard against state government failure with fears of potential misuse and erosion of federalism.

    • Supporters of President’s Rule:
      • Dr. B.R. Ambedkar: Defended Article 356 as a necessary safeguard for constitutional order. He also emphasised it would remain a “dead letter,” used only in exceptional situations.
      • Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: Viewed it as essential for maintaining national unity and strong central control.
    • Opposers or Skeptics: 
      • K.T. Shah: Warned about vague definition of “failure of constitutional machinery.” He feared political misuse and centralisation.
      • Rajkumari Amrit Kaur: Highlighted risks to democracy and federalism from potential misuse.
      • Acharya Kripalani: Called for safeguards, judicial review, and Parliamentary oversight to prevent abuse.

    What Constitutional Provisions were adopted? 

    • Article 355: Directs the Union Government to protect states from internal disturbances and ensure constitutional governance.
    • Article 365: Obligates states to comply with Union laws and directions; failure can lead to President’s Rule.
    • Article 356: Empowers the President to impose President’s Rule if the state’s constitutional machinery fails. 

    What are the grounds for imposing President’s Rule? 

    • Failure of constitutional machinery in the state
      • Occurs when no party can form a government or the ruling party loses majority due to defections or resignations.
      • Example: Manipur (1977)
    • Breakdown of law and order or internal disturbances
      • Imposed during serious law and order situations or insurgencies where the state government cannot maintain control.
      • Example: Punjab (1990s)
    • Hung Assembly or Loss of Majority
      • Occurs when a government fails to prove confidence in the legislature or loses support through a no-confidence motion, without an alternative government being formed.
      • Example: Bihar, Maharashtra 
    • Postponement or inability to hold legislative assembly elections
    • When elections cannot be held as scheduled due to extraordinary circumstances such as emergency, electoral code violations, or security concerns.
    • Example: Jammu & Kashmir and Punjab 
    • Failure to comply with any directions of the Union government (Article 365)
    • If a state government refuses to implement Union directives or laws, it can trigger President’s Rule.

    What is the duration of its imposition?

    Stage Duration Approval Required
    Initial Proclamation 6 months Simple majority in both Houses within 2 months
    Extension (up to 1 year) Each 6 months Simple majority in both Houses for each extension
    Extension (beyond 1 year, up to max 3 years) Each 6 months Simple majority + two conditions as per 44th CAA:

    1. National Emergency in effect

    2. Election Commission certifies inability to hold elections
    Termination Immediate None, done by President if new government is formed or elections held

    What was the envisaged application of the provision of President’s Rule?

      • Protect unity and integrity of the nation: Prevents state-level crises from affecting national security (e.g., rise of militancy in Punjab and J&K).
      • Address governance breakdown and uphold law and order: Ensures administration continues amid political instability or violence (e.g., Manipur’s ethnic conflicts).
    • Enable continuity of constitutional government: Provides space for fresh elections or alternate government when majority is lost (e.g., frequent stints in Uttar Pradesh after coalition failures).
    • Safeguard federal cooperation and constitutional compliance: Mandates state adherence to Union laws and basic constitutional values, especially secularism (guided by S.R. Bommai judgment).
    • Restore democratic legitimacy: Used as a mechanism to allow elections and democratic revival after emergency or instability (e.g., Punjab, post-militancy).

    How has President’s Rule actually been applied in practice?

    Since Independence, President’s Rule has been invoked 135 times, starting with 1951. 

    • 1951: First imposition of President’s Rule in Punjab under Article 356.1966–1977: Indira Gandhi’s government used Article 356 about 39 times, often against opposition-ruled states.
    • 1977: Janata Party government at Centre dismisses several Congress-ruled states, leading to political controversy and Supreme Court refusals to interfere in Centre’s decisions.
    • 1980: Indira Gandhi returns, dismisses eight opposition-ruled governments; practice questioned nationwide.
    • 1992: President’s Rule imposed in Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh after Babri Masjid demolition and law and order breakdown.
    • 1994 – S.R. Bommai Case: Supreme Court introduces judicial review; Centre must justify Article 356 use, floor test mandated in Assembly, curbs arbitrary dissolution; landmark in restricting misuse.
    • 2005 – Rameshwar Prasad Case: In the context of Bihar Hung Assembly, court declared the dissolution of the state Assembly unconstitutional. It highlighted Article 192(2), which mandates the Governor to seek the opinion of the Election Commission and act accordingly.
    • 2016 – Arunachal Pradesh Judgment: Supreme Court reinstates dismissed government, asserts limits on Centre’s power over states.
    • 2018 – Jammu & Kashmir: President’s Rule imposed after Governor’s Rule and continued till the state was reorganised in 2019.
    • 2019 – Maharashtra: President’s Rule imposed due to a hung assembly; Supreme Court questioned whether the Governor had the power to intervene by ordering a floor test when there is internal dissent within a party.
    • 2023 – Manipur: President’s Rule imposed and repeatedly extended following ethnic violence and persistent political instability.

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    States with frequent impositions:

    • Manipur: 11 times (ethnic conflict, insurgency)
    • Punjab: 9 times (militancy and political instability)
    • Uttar Pradesh: 10 times (political instability)

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    What are the effects of imposing President’s Rule on a state?

    Governance Structure Changes:

    Legislative During President’s Rule, the State Assembly is either dissolved or kept in suspended animation, and Parliament assumes its legislative powers under Article 357, temporarily curtailing state autonomy.
    Executive  The executive powers of the state government—normally exercised by the Council of Ministers headed by the Chief Minister—are transferred to the Governor, who acts on behalf of the President.
    Judiciary The judiciary, including the High Court, continues to function as usual, ensuring judicial oversight remains intact.

    Political and Administrative Effects:

    • Removes the mandate of the popularly elected representatives during that period.
    • Temporary Policy Paralysis; No New Laws or Bills Passed.
    • Stagnation of Welfare Schemes and Governance

    Impact on Political Power:

    • In about two-thirds of cases, President’s Rule ends with a change in the ruling party/coalition after fresh elections, indicating political shifts rather than administrative continuity.

    Effect on Federalism and Democracy:

    • President’s Rule can strain Centre-State relations by centralising power and sidelining elected state governments..
    • Its misuse risks undermining democratic processes and federal balance.

    What safeguards have been recommended to prevent misuse?

    Apart from the Judicial pronouncements, several Committees have recommended measures to prevent unjustified use of president rule:

    • Sarkaria Commission: President’s Rule should be a last resort, recommended prior warning before imposition.
    • Punchhi Commission: Strengthen federalism by limiting Article 356 to genuine crises with clear guidelines and timely judicial review.
    • 2nd Administrative Reforms Commission: Depoliticise Governors and formalise floor tests to handle political instability within states.
    • Law Commission: Codify procedures for imposing President’s Rule and ensure judicial oversight and prompt election

    President’s Rule under Article 356 remains vital for tackling governance failures, as seen in Manipur, but misuse risks federalism. Post S.R. Bommai, judicial safeguards ensure cautious application to protect democracy and Centre–State balance.

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  • India’s Strategic Autonomy at Risk

    India’s Strategic Autonomy at Risk

    Explore Kanti Bajpai’s critique on India’s strategic autonomy, rising multi-dependence on China, Russia, and the US, and the urgent need for reforms.

    India’s Strategic Autonomy at Risk

    Introduction

    In the realm of international relations, few challenges are as consequential as the tension between autonomy and dependence. Indian foreign policy has long celebrated the ideal of strategic autonomy—an aspiration to engage widely while remaining beholden to none. Yet, as Kanti Bajpai argues in his article “A Wake-up Call” (The Indian Express, May 22, 2025), the reality is one of deepening multi-dependence. India’s economic and security reliance on China, Russia, and the United States compromises its agency and renders its foreign and security policy reactive rather than proactive. This essay examines Bajpai’s critique and situates it within the wider debate about India’s trajectory. Using the analytical categories of context, issue, thesis, hypothesis, warrant, qualification, and advocacy, it evaluates the sources of India’s vulnerability and advances the case for a decisive revolution in manufacturing and economic reform.

     

    Chains of Vulnerability

    India’s foreign policy since independence has revolved around the vocabulary of non-alignment, sovereignty, and self-reliance. Yet practice has rarely matched rhetoric. The post-1991 liberalisation era integrated India into global supply chains, attracted foreign capital, and unleashed private enterprise. But this growth also deepened reliance on external markets, technologies, and security partnerships.

    By 2025, this integration has hardened into dependency. China dominates India’s import basket, from consumer goods to critical inputs like active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) and electronics. Russia remains the source of up to 70% of India’s military hardware and a growing share of crude oil imports. The United States, meanwhile, is India’s largest export destination, key source of investment, and the gatekeeper of migration opportunities through the H-1B visa system.

    These linkages, once benign expressions of globalisation, now appear dangerous in an era of fracturing geopolitics: border crises with China, US–Russia hostilities, and pandemic-era supply chain shocks. The environment in which India operates is unstable, and its dependencies increasingly constrain policy freedom.

     

    Multi-Dependence Versus Strategic Autonomy

    The central issue, as Bajpai frames it, is the contradiction between India’s proclaimed strategic autonomy and its actual entanglement in asymmetric dependencies. The triad of China, Russia, and the United States exerts influence across different sectors:

    • China supplies the building blocks of Indian industry and healthcare.
    • Russia provides defence platforms, spare parts, and discounted energy.
    • The United States offers markets, investment, technology, and a crucial outlet for skilled labour.

    These dependencies might have seemed manageable in a more cooperative world. In today’s competitive and conflict-prone system, they clash. Choices that align with one partner often alienate another. Dependence has become discordant, exposing India to coercive leverage and forcing it into reactive diplomacy.

     

    Cornered by Dependence

    The core thesis is that India’s autonomy is gravely undermined by this multi-dependence. The rhetoric of Atmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India) and multi-alignment masks a structural weakness: the nation’s sovereignty is compromised by its inability to secure critical goods, technologies, and diplomatic support independently.

    India’s posture increasingly resembles what Bajpai calls a “foreign policy corner”—unable to act without risking backlash from at least one of its major partners. Far from projecting confidence, India is at risk of becoming a supplicant, negotiating from weakness rather than strength.

     

    The Consequences of Inaction

    If India fails to address systemic dependence, the consequences are predictable: progressive erosion of strategic leverage, diminished agency in international forums, and a foreign policy that is reactive rather than proactive.

    Historical precedents reinforce this hypothesis. India’s Cold War-era reliance on Soviet arms left it exposed after the USSR’s collapse. The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated the peril of dependence on Chinese APIs for life-saving drugs. The Trump-era H-1B restrictions showed how U.S. domestic politics could suddenly constrain Indian opportunity. Each episode underscores the risks of excessive reliance on external actors.

     

    The Empirical Basis for Concern

    Bajpai’s case rests on robust evidence.

    • China: India’s trade deficit with China exceeds $100 billion, encompassing APIs, electronics, rare earths, and solar technology. These are not luxuries but essentials for healthcare, digital infrastructure, and the green transition. Dependence on a strategic rival is not leverage; it is vulnerability.
    • Russia: Around two-thirds of Indian military equipment is Russian. Maintenance, ammunition, and upgrades tie India’s security to Moscow’s fortunes. Western sanctions in the wake of the Ukraine war complicate procurement and force awkward diplomatic balancing. India’s surge in Russian oil imports, while financially expedient, compounds reliance on an increasingly isolated partner.
    • United States: India’s IT sector and educated middle class depend on access to U.S. markets and visas. Militarily, American technology and intelligence are indispensable for counterbalancing China in the Indo-Pacific. But this alignment narrows India’s options, tethering autonomy to American goodwill.

    The simultaneity of these dependencies is particularly problematic. Each alone would be manageable; together, they create systemic fragility.

     

    Reformist Efforts and Persistent Constraints

    The Indian state is not blind to these vulnerabilities. Programmes such as Make in India and Production-Linked Incentive (PLI) schemes seek to boost domestic manufacturing and reduce import reliance. Defence indigenisation policies aim to cut dependence on Russian systems. Energy diversification, including renewables and nuclear partnerships, is slowly broadening the portfolio.

    Yet progress is patchy. Manufacturing’s share of GDP remains stagnant. Critical technologies like semiconductors and advanced materials lag far behind global leaders. Bureaucratic inertia, land and labour constraints, and uneven infrastructure stifle competitiveness. Despite strong GDP growth, the “animal spirits” of Indian industry have not ignited the kind of productivity revolution seen in East Asia. The rhetoric of self-reliance often rings hollow when juxtaposed against rising import bills.

     

    Reforming India’s Future

    India’s transition from multi-dependence to true autonomy demands nothing less than a bold revolution in economic and strategic policy. The advocacy advanced by Bajpai and echoed in broader reformist discourse highlights an urgent need to address structural weaknesses that leave the nation vulnerable to external shocks.

    At the heart of this agenda lies a manufacturing transformation. Sweeping land and labour reforms must be undertaken to unlock industrial expansion, while infrastructure—spanning logistics, transport, and energy networks—requires modernisation to sustain competitive production. Equally vital is the cultivation of innovation ecosystems, with targeted support for sectors such as semiconductors, renewable technologies, and precision engineering that can anchor India’s place in the global value chain.

    Complementing this is the imperative to diversify supply chains. Reliance on Chinese inputs in pharmaceuticals, electronics, and critical materials exposes India to strategic coercion. Sourcing alternatives from Southeast Asia, Africa, and Europe, alongside boosting domestic production, can mitigate this risk. Defence procurement, too, must be broadened beyond Russia to include European and indigenous systems, while energy security should be rebalanced through partnerships with the Middle East, America, and renewables.

    Equally important is reigniting policy momentum. Simplifying regulations, rationalising taxation, and expanding credit access for small and medium enterprises will empower business. Education must also be aligned to industrial needs, equipping a skilled workforce. Finally, galvanising “animal spirits” requires restoring trust between state and industry, ensuring policy stability, and mobilising the diaspora as investors and innovators.

    This comprehensive effort, reminiscent of the 1991 reforms, is essential not for deeper integration into globalisation but for building resilience against its uncertainties.

     

    Conclusion

    India’s foreign policy narrative of multi-alignment risks degenerating into the reality of multi-dependence. Reliance on China for industrial inputs, on Russia for arms and energy, and on the United States for markets and technology exposes India to coercion and weakens its agency. The H-1B visa restrictions symbolise this wider vulnerability: the fortunes of millions can hinge on decisions made abroad.

    Bajpai’s warning is timely. Without decisive reform, India’s foreign policy will remain reactive, its leverage diminished, its autonomy compromised. The alternative path is arduous but essential: a bold inward turn towards manufacturing revival, supply chain diversification, and structural reform that rekindles entrepreneurial energy.

    Autonomy in the twenty-first century is not autarky. It is the ability to manage interdependence on one’s own terms. For India, that requires transforming rhetoric into reality, dependence into resilience, and illusion into genuine sovereignty. The decade ahead will determine whether India emerges as a truly autonomous power or remains ensnared in the web of its own dependencies.

     

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  • Lakshadweep’s Plastic Waste Crisis

    Lakshadweep’s Plastic Waste Crisis

    Lakshadweep faces a severe plastic waste crisis, with 4,000 tonnes of uncollected garbage choking coral reefs, polluting lagoons, and threatening fishing livelihoods. This blog explores the causes, ecological and social impacts, governance failures, and sustainable solutions needed to protect India’s island paradise.

    Context

    In September 2025, a massive waste fire in Minicoy Island brought global attention to Lakshadweep’s escalating garbage crisis. What should have been an idyllic archipelago of coral atolls, lagoons, and pristine beaches is now fighting for survival under the weight of its plastic and solid waste burden. The incident highlights how fragile ecosystems can collapse under governance failure, administrative neglect, and unchecked consumerism.

    Lakshadweep’s Plastic Waste Crisis

    Lakshadweep’s Plastic Waste Crisis

    Lakshadweep, India’s smallest Union Territory, generates thousands of tonnes of inorganic waste every year—plastic bottles, e-waste, discarded appliances, fishing nets, and single-use packaging. Unlike organic waste, which can be composted locally, this inorganic waste requires safe disposal pathways.

    According to the UT Forest and Environment Department, nearly 4,000 tonnes of dry waste currently lie uncollected across the islands. With nowhere to go, much of this ends up:

    • Littering beaches, lagoons, and coral reefs, choking fragile ecosystems.

    • Dumped in open yards near settlements, creating unsanitary heaps.

    • Burnt in the open, releasing toxic smoke and leachates into lagoons.

    What should have been transported to the mainland for processing instead piles up within the islands, creating a crisis that threatens both livelihoods and biodiversity.

    Causes of the Crisis

    The waste emergency in Lakshadweep is not just a story of consumer behaviour but a structural governance and logistics problem.

    1. Governance Gaps

    Until 2021, local panchayats managed household-level waste collection and coordinated shipment to the mainland. Their dissolution in 2021 left a vacuum. Without local oversight, waste collection collapsed. Today, garbage often rots outside homes or is dragged by residents to common waste yards, where it accumulates without further processing.

    2. Administrative Neglect

    Tourism and infrastructure projects have been prioritised at the expense of waste management:

    • Broken incinerators remain unrepaired, forcing reliance on open-air burning.

    • Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) norms are routinely flouted in construction, exacerbating ecological stress.

    • Instead of building sustainable waste processing plants, projects like seawall construction have diverted resources away from essential needs.

    3. Logistical Challenges

    Lakshadweep’s geographic isolation compounds the problem:

    • Waste can be shipped to the mainland only 4–5 months a year; monsoon storms halt ferry and cargo routes.

    • Private operators refuse to carry waste or demand prohibitively high transport charges.

    • Government barges prioritise food, fuel, and essentials, pushing waste transport to the bottom of the agenda.

    4. Public Behaviour & Littering

    A 2024 Cochin University of Science and Technology (CUSAT) survey revealed that 43% of marine litter originates from public littering. Limited awareness campaigns and inadequate bins or segregation facilities encourage careless disposal. Tourists add significantly to this problem, often leaving behind plastic bottles, packaging, and fishing gear.

    Impacts of the Plastic Waste Crisis

    The impacts of this unmanaged waste are devastating—ecologically, economically, and socially.

    1. Ecological Impacts

    • Coral Reef Collapse:
      Survey data shows that 59% of coral colonies smothered by litter exhibited disease or tissue loss, while nearly 15% showed bleaching. Species like Porites corals are particularly vulnerable, and reef recruitment has slowed dramatically.

    • Marine Life Threats:
      Discarded fishing nets (“ghost nets”) and plastics entangle fish, reef organisms, and sea cucumbers. Turtles and seabirds ingest plastics, leading to starvation or poisoning.

    • Toxins & Leachate:
      Burning plastics releases toxic fumes, while open dumping leaches chemicals into lagoons, turning once-clear waters grey and polluted.

    2. Livelihood Impacts

    Lakshadweep’s communities depend heavily on fishing as their primary livelihood. With reef collapse and declining fish stocks, incomes and food security are directly threatened. If degradation continues, the islands risk losing both their marine wealth and their tourism appeal.

    3. Health & Social Impacts

    • Open burning of plastics produces toxic smoke clouds, affecting respiratory health.

    • Contaminated seafood and polluted water increase risks of chronic diseases and long-term health complications.

    • Residents face declining quality of life, with waste heaps piling near homes and beaches, undermining the islands’ natural beauty.

    4. Governance & Development Contradictions

    Lakshadweep is promoted as “India’s Maldives”, a luxury tourism destination. Yet, beneath this glossy narrative lies ecological collapse:

    • The same beaches marketed for tourism are lined with waste.

    • Fishing communities that sustain the islands face deep insecurity.

    • Development is being pursued at the cost of environmental sustainability, creating a paradox between short-term profits and long-term survival.

    The Way Forward

    The Lakshadweep plastic crisis is both urgent and solvable—if approached through systemic reforms, community participation, and sustainable planning.

    1. Reviving Local Governance

    Reinstating empowered panchayat-level waste committees can restore accountability at the community level. Local bodies are best positioned to enforce segregation, household collection, and monitoring of illegal dumping.

    2. Building Waste Infrastructure

    • Decentralised composting units for organic waste.

    • Material Recovery Facilities (MRFs) on each island for segregation and compacting of plastics, e-waste, and recyclables.

    • Repairing or replacing incinerators with cleaner, regulated technologies.

    3. Strengthening Logistics

    • Dedicated waste barges should be commissioned to ensure regular shipment to the mainland.

    • Subsidies or incentives for private operators to carry compacted waste.

    • Pre-monsoon waste evacuation plans to prevent seasonal buildup.

    4. Community & Tourist Engagement

    • Awareness drives targeting residents and tourists about waste segregation and responsible disposal.

    • Strict enforcement of “carry back your waste” rules for visitors.

    • Incentivising plastic alternatives such as cloth bags, coconut-leaf products, and biodegradable packaging.

    5. Policy & Regulation

    • Enforce Coastal Regulation Zone norms strictly to avoid further ecological strain.

    • Integrate waste management within tourism planning, ensuring resorts and cruise ships have waste accountability mechanisms.

    • Explore Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) frameworks where manufacturers of packaged goods share disposal responsibility.

    6. Scientific Monitoring

    Partnerships with research institutes like CUSAT and NIO should track reef health, waste accumulation, and toxin levels to guide adaptive management.

    Conclusion

    Lakshadweep’s waste fire in Minicoy was more than an accident—it was a warning signal. The islands stand at a tipping point where unchecked plastic waste threatens to destroy both their ecology and their economy.

    The solution lies not in temporary fixes but in systemic change: restoring community governance, building logistics for waste evacuation, involving locals and tourists in sustainable practices, and aligning development with ecological limits.

    For India, protecting Lakshadweep is more than an environmental duty—it is a sovereign necessity. Losing these islands to plastic and mismanagement would not only erode biodiversity but also weaken national coastal resilience.

    The crisis is a reminder that in fragile ecosystems like Lakshadweep, waste is not just garbage—it is destiny.

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  • State of Africa’s Environment 2025

    State of Africa’s Environment 2025

    Africa is warming faster than the global average, facing droughts, floods, migration, and food insecurity. The State of Africa’s Environment 2025 report highlights climate injustice, resilience gaps, and how India can support Africa through technology, finance, and South–South cooperation.

    State of Africa’s Environment 2025

    Context

    The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), in collaboration with African research and civil society partners, released the State of Africa’s Environment 2025 report in Addis Ababa. The report presents a sobering reality: Africa is warming faster than the global average, with devastating consequences for people, ecosystems, and economies. Despite contributing the least to global greenhouse gas emissions, the continent bears a disproportionate share of climate impacts, making its case central to global climate justice.

    Observations of the Report

    The findings of the 2025 report underline the urgent and escalating climate crisis in Africa:

    1. Rapid Warming

    • It’s average surface temperature in 2024 was 0.86°C above the 1991–2020 baseline.

    • North Africa warmed the fastest, recording 1.28°C above average, intensifying desertification and water scarcity.

    • This warming rate is higher than the global average, showing It’s vulnerability to climate extremes.

    2. Marine Heatwaves

    • Almost the entire ocean area surrounding Africa was hit by strong to extreme marine heatwaves.

    • This disrupts fisheries, a livelihood source for nearly 12 million people, and damages coral reefs and coastal ecosystems critical for biodiversity and storm protection.

    3. Extreme Weather Events

    • In 2024 alone, floods displaced over 700,000 people, devastating infrastructure, homes, and livelihoods.

    • Southern Africa’s droughts caused crop failures up to 50% below the five-year average, driving food insecurity.

    • Cyclones and storms intensified in the Indian Ocean and West African coast, damaging cities and disrupting trade.

    4. Climate-Induced Migration

    • The report estimates that by 2050, nearly 100 million Africans (about 5% of the continent’s population) could be displaced due to climate stress, particularly in the Sahel, Horn of Africa, and low-lying coastal states.

    • Migration is already rising, with cross-border flows leading to conflict, resource stress, and governance challenges.

    5. Food Insecurity

    • Climate change and land degradation have caused an 18% decline in agricultural production.

    • Staple crops such as maize, sorghum, and millet show declining yields. Livestock losses are also rising due to droughts and pasture degradation.

    • Rising food import dependence makes Africa more vulnerable to global price shocks.

    6. Disproportionate Impact

    • Africa accounts for 35% of global deaths from extreme weather events over the last 50 years, despite contributing less than 4% of global emissions.

    • The continent’s fragile healthcare, infrastructure, and financial systems amplify the toll of disasters.

    Implications for Climate Justice

    Africa’s climate crisis raises fundamental questions about equity, fairness, and global responsibility.

    1. Low Emissions, High Impact

    • With only 4% of global greenhouse gas emissions, Africa’s climate burden is starkly disproportionate.

    • Wealthier nations with historical emissions are largely responsible, yet it is Africa that pays the highest human and economic costs.

    2. Debt and Displacement

    • Extreme weather events cause billions in economic losses annually. Recovery requires external borrowing, pushing many African economies into debt traps.

    • Climate-induced migration also strains host countries, deepening instability in already fragile states.

    3. The Adaptation Gap

    • Africa’s adaptation needs are estimated at $50 billion annually, but climate finance flows remain under $10 billion per year.

    • Limited access to technology, data, and finance widens the resilience gap compared to developed nations.

    4. A Moral Imperative

    • Climate justice demands that historical emitters shoulder responsibility through funding, technology transfer, and reparative policies.

    • Without such support, Africa risks being locked into cycles of poverty, debt, and displacement.

    What Role Can India Play?

    As a fellow Global South country with deep historical and cultural ties to Africa, India can play a transformative role in advancing Africa’s climate resilience.

    1. South–South Cooperation

    • India can leverage platforms like the India–Africa Forum Summit (IAFS) to expand cooperation in:

      • Climate-resilient agriculture (solar irrigation, drought-resistant seeds).

      • Water security initiatives (rainwater harvesting, watershed development).

      • Community-based afforestation and land restoration projects.

    • Sharing India’s own successful experiences with solar power and renewable-led rural development can benefit African nations.

    2. Technology and Capacity Building

    • India’s low-cost clean technologies—such as solar pumps, bio-digesters, and microgrids—are ideal for Africa’s rural contexts.

    • Capacity building can be advanced through training African professionals in disaster early warning, meteorology, and green energy at Indian institutions.

    • Investment in data infrastructure can help African meteorological agencies build robust climate models.

    3. Climate Finance Advocacy

    • India, with Africa, can champion:

      • Loss and damage funding commitments at COP and G20.

      • Equitable carbon markets that enable African countries to benefit from their forest and land carbon sinks.

      • Debt-for-climate swaps, allowing debt repayment to be redirected to climate projects.

    4. Ethical Leadership in Energy Transition

    • India and Africa face the dual challenge of development and decarbonisation.

    • India can lead by example through a just energy transition, one that respects indigenous rights, protects biodiversity, and balances sustainability with growth.

    • Partnership on green hydrogen, EV ecosystems, and renewable power corridors can shape Africa’s future energy security.

    Way Forward

    1. Global Responsibility: Wealthy nations must honour the $100 billion climate finance pledge and scale it up significantly for Africa.

    2. Regional Climate Diplomacy: Africa needs stronger intra-continental coordination through the African Union Climate Strategy to negotiate collectively at COP forums.

    3. Invest in Resilience: Greater investment in climate-smart agriculture, early warning systems, and coastal infrastructure is essential.

    4. India–Africa Alliance: Strengthening cooperation in renewable energy, sustainable agriculture, and affordable technology can create a South–South model of climate resilience.

    5. Justice as the Core: Any solution must foreground equity and historical responsibility, ensuring that Africa’s people are not forced to pay for a crisis they did not cause.

    Conclusion

    The State of Africa’s Environment 2025 report is a wake-up call for the world. Africa is warming faster than the global average, facing droughts, floods, food insecurity, and climate-induced migration. The continent’s plight epitomises the essence of climate injustice: those least responsible are paying the heaviest price.

    India, as a Global South leader, has a responsibility and opportunity to partner with Africa—through technology sharing, financial advocacy, and ethical climate leadership. Together, they can reshape climate diplomacy to prioritise justice, equity, and survival.

    The choices made in the next decade will decide whether Africa sinks deeper into crisis or emerges as a model for resilient, inclusive, and sustainable development.

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  • Public Distribution System and Food Deprivation in India

    Public Distribution System and Food Deprivation in India

    India’s Public Distribution System helps reduce food deprivation but faces issues such as leakages, inefficiencies, and a cereal-centric bias. Explore insights from HCES 2024 and the Thali Index on how to reform PDS for nutrition security, fiscal sustainability, and inclusive growth.

    Context

    The release of the Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) 2024 has reignited debates around poverty and food deprivation in India. According to the World Bank (2025), extreme poverty in India has fallen to just 2.3%. Yet, alternative approaches suggest a more sobering reality. For instance, the “thali index” — which measures the affordability of two meals per day — shows that 40% of rural and 10% of urban households still cannot afford two thalis a day even after accounting for Public Distribution System (PDS) subsidies. This stark contrast highlights both the importance of the PDS in reducing food deprivation and the urgent need for reform.

    Public Distribution System and Food Deprivation in India-Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) 2024

    What is the Greater Significance of PDS?

    The Public Distribution System (PDS) has long been one of the most visible arms of India’s welfare architecture. Its role goes far beyond distributing rice and wheat at subsidised rates.

    1. A Tool for Food Security and Welfare

    For millions of low-income households, food expenditure takes up a disproportionately large share of income. The PDS, by providing staples at subsidised prices, ensures access to the basic minimum for survival. This has been crucial in preventing hunger and malnutrition, particularly during times of crisis such as droughts, pandemics, or inflationary shocks.

    2. A Shield Against Extreme Food Deprivation

    Recent data shows that without PDS support, 50% of rural households and 20% of urban households would not be able to afford two thalis a day. PDS reduces this deprivation to 40% and 10% respectively. This demonstrates its role as a buffer against extreme poverty, even if it does not eliminate deprivation entirely.

    3. Equalising Staple Food Consumption

    Historically, cereal consumption varied significantly between income groups. The PDS has narrowed this gap. Today, the poorest 5% and the richest 5% consume similar levels of cereals. While this does not resolve nutritional gaps, it does reflect universalisation of access to staples, a significant achievement in itself.

    4. Instrument of Inclusive Policy

    When targeted well, PDS acts as a redistributive tool. By directing subsidies towards the most vulnerable, it helps smoothen inequalities, protect against inflation, and stabilise household consumption. This makes it not just a welfare scheme but a crucial instrument of inclusive economic policy.

    What Are the Challenges in Current PDS Practices?

    Despite its importance, the current PDS framework suffers from inefficiencies, distortions, and misalignments.

    1. Leakage of Subsidies to the Non-Poor

    A striking weakness lies in subsidy misallocation. In rural India, households in the 90–95% income bracket receive 88% of the subsidy that the bottom 5% receive. In urban India, nearly 80% of the population continues to receive subsidised cereals, even when they do not need them. This undermines progressivity and wastes resources.

    2. Over-Supply of Cereals, Under-Supply of Other Nutrients

    Cereal entitlements are excessive. Cereal consumption has already reached saturation across income groups, but nutrient-rich foods like pulses remain out of reach for the poor. For example, pulses consumption among the bottom 5% is half of that among the top 5%. This leads to a situation where calories are universalised but nutrition remains unequal.

    3. Inefficient Use of Public Funds

    Current policy distributes cereals to 80 crore people (as of January 2024). This is administratively expensive, financially unsustainable, and does not reflect actual consumption needs. The Food Corporation of India (FCI) often struggles with overstocking, wastage, and spiraling storage costs. Public funds that could be directed towards healthcare, education, or nutritional programmes are thus locked into a flawed distribution model.

    4. PDS as a “One-Size-Fits-All” System

    Uniform entitlements ignore regional contexts and diverse nutritional requirements. For example, in southern India, millets and pulses are more significant in diets than wheat, while in northern states, wheat dominates. By treating all households the same, the system spreads resources too thin without addressing localized food insecurity effectively.

    What Reforms Are Needed to Rectify These Challenges?

    The PDS must transition from a cereal-centric, quantity-driven system to a nutrition-focused, need-based model.

    1. Restructure the Subsidy Regime

    Cereal subsidies for upper-income households who already consume more than two thalis/day should be reduced or eliminated. The fiscal savings can be redirected to improve support for the poorest households, ensuring that resources flow where they are most needed.

    2. Expand PDS to Include Pulses and Nutrient-Rich Foods

    Adding pulses, edible oils, and fortified foods to PDS baskets will address the protein and micronutrient deficits that remain acute among the poorest. For vegetarian households in particular, pulses are a critical protein source.

    3. Target Based on the “Thali Index”

    Instead of abstract poverty lines, targeting should use direct measures like the Thali Index — the affordability of two balanced meals per day. This would ensure that entitlements reach those in genuine need, aligning welfare with actual food consumption realities.

    4. Use NSS 2024 Consumption Data to Calibrate Entitlements

    The HCES/NSS 2024 provides granular data on household food patterns. PDS entitlements must be recalibrated accordingly, reducing overstocking burdens on FCI and ensuring better efficiency.

    5. Technology-Driven Efficiency

    Technology can plug leakages:

    • Aadhaar-seeded ration cards ensure proper identification.

    • One Nation, One Ration Card (ONORC) enables portability across states.

    • Blockchain-enabled supply chains can track grain flow end-to-end, reducing corruption.

    • Smart PDS models using digital food coupons or direct cash transfers (DBTs) can be piloted in urban areas with reliable markets.

    Broader Lessons from the Debate on Food Deprivation

    The juxtaposition of the World Bank’s 2.3% extreme poverty estimate with the Thali Index’s 40% rural deprivation figure illustrates the multi-dimensional nature of poverty. A household may be above the poverty line yet still unable to afford nutritious food. This underscores the importance of rethinking welfare not just as poverty alleviation but as nutritional security.

    Way Forward

    1. Shift to Nutrition Security: India must move beyond calories to ensuring balanced diets, particularly in the poorest deciles.

    2. Target Smarter, Not Wider: Blanket subsidies dilute impact. Smart targeting using consumption-based indices can achieve more with fewer resources.

    3. Strengthen Accountability: Regular audits, social accountability mechanisms, and citizen participation (e.g., community-managed fair price shops) can reduce leakages.

    4. Integrate with Health & Education: School midday meals and ICDS can be synergised with PDS to provide a comprehensive nutrition net for children and vulnerable groups.

    5. Fiscal Sustainability: A restructured, efficient PDS can free up funds for broader welfare, helping India balance growth with equity.

    Conclusion

    The Public Distribution System has played a pivotal role in reducing food deprivation in India. By ensuring access to basic cereals, it has narrowed consumption gaps and prevented extreme hunger. Yet, the persistence of nutritional inequality, leakage of subsidies, and inefficiencies show that the PDS cannot remain business-as-usual.

    With the release of HCES 2024 and the contrasting findings of the Thali Index, India now has an opportunity to restructure the PDS into a nutrition-sensitive, technology-enabled, and fiscally sustainable model. Doing so will not only protect the poorest from food insecurity but also advance India’s journey towards inclusive and equitable development.

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  • U.S. Sanctions on Chabahar Port: Strategic Implications for India

    U.S. Sanctions on Chabahar Port: Strategic Implications for India

    The U.S. has revoked the sanctions waiver for India’s operations at Iran’s Chabahar Port, jeopardising New Delhi’s regional connectivity vision. Explore how this affects India’s trade strategy, energy security, ties with Iran, and the India–U.S. strategic partnership.

    Context

    Recently, the U.S. announced the revocation of the 2018 sanctions waiver for India’s operations at Iran’s Chabahar Port, effective within ten days. This development poses serious risks to India’s connectivity, trade diversification, and broader foreign policy goals. The waiver had been a crucial concession, acknowledging India’s role in stabilising Afghanistan and connecting with Central Asia. With its revocation, New Delhi faces a complex challenge of balancing ties with Washington, Tehran, and Moscow under shifting great-power dynamics.

    What is Chabahar Port and Why Does it Matter for India?

    Chabahar Port, located in Iran’s southeastern Sistan-Baluchestan province, is the country’s only oceanic port with direct access to the Gulf of Oman. For India, it has been more than just a trade hub—it is a strategic gateway.

    1. Bypassing Pakistan: Chabahar is India’s only direct route to Afghanistan and Central Asia without depending on Pakistani territory. Given the long-standing hostility with Islamabad, this alternative corridor was a game-changer.

    2. Integration with INSTC: The port is linked with the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), a 7,200 km multimodal route connecting India, Iran, Russia, and Europe. It offered faster and cheaper connectivity compared to traditional Suez Canal routes.

    3. Symbol of India–Iran Cooperation: First proposed in 2003 and formally leased to India in May 2024 for ten years, Chabahar symbolised India’s investment in West Asian stability and multipolar connectivity.

    U.S. Sanctions on Chabahar Port: Strategic Implications for India

    India’s Investments and Progress So Far

    India has committed ₹400 crore towards the port’s development, of which ₹200 crore has already been spent. The results were visible:

    • Operational Growth: In 2023–24, the port recorded a 40% rise in vessel traffic and a 35% increase in container traffic.

    • Financial Commitments: India lined up infrastructure loans worth $250 million, aiming to turn Chabahar into a robust trade hub.

    • Geopolitical Leverage: Chabahar was New Delhi’s compensatory tool after bowing to U.S. pressure to end crude imports from Iran (2019) and Venezuela (2018).

    The sanctions now threaten to derail this progress by disrupting cargo movement, discouraging insurers, and weakening financial viability.

    Implications for India

    1. Strategic Connectivity Loss

    The biggest blow is to India’s regional connectivity vision. Without Chabahar, India risks being sidelined in Central Asia where China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), particularly Pakistan’s Gwadar Port (just 140 km away), is expanding rapidly.

    2. Financial and Operational Setback

    The investments already made are at risk. Insurers and financiers may withdraw, halting cargo movement. Infrastructure loans and supply chain plans face uncertainty, creating sunk costs without guaranteed returns.

    3. Energy Security and Trade Strategy

    India’s energy diversification has already suffered. Stopping crude imports from Iran and Venezuela narrowed options. Chabahar allowed India to retain leverage in West Asia while building alternative trade routes. Its loss deepens dependency on Russia and Gulf suppliers, reducing New Delhi’s bargaining power in global oil politics.

    4. Diplomatic Repercussions with Iran

    Chabahar has long been a symbol of India–Iran cooperation. Sanctions risk alienating Tehran further, especially as Iran increasingly tilts towards China’s BRI and deepens ties with Gwadar. This weakens India’s West Asia presence at a time when New Delhi has been trying to balance its Act East via Act West strategy.

    Implications for India–U.S. Relations

    A. Test of Strategic Partnership

    The India–U.S. Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership (2020) has deepened cooperation in Indo-Pacific security, technology, and defence. Yet, Washington’s unilateral move on Chabahar exposes divergences in West Asia policy. It highlights India’s vulnerability to secondary sanctions despite being termed a “major defence partner.”

    B. Intensifying Trade Friction

    India already faces high U.S. tariffs—a 50% penalty tariff plus reciprocal duties—on certain exports. Add to this disagreements over Russian oil imports, and trust between the two countries faces strain. Revoking Chabahar’s waiver complicates negotiations on the long-stalled bilateral trade agreement (since 2018).

    C. Strategic Balancing Dilemma

    India pursues strategic autonomy, balancing ties across diverse poles. The 2018 waiver was recognition of India’s stabilising role in Afghanistan. Its removal now signals reduced U.S. sensitivity to Indian concerns. This compels India to rethink the durability of U.S. commitments and strengthen fallback options with Tehran, Moscow, and regional players.

    Wider Geopolitical Consequences

    1. Shift Towards China: Iran, already under Western sanctions, may deepen its alignment with Beijing, giving the China–Pakistan–Iran axis greater influence in the region.

    2. Impact on Afghanistan: Chabahar was India’s primary lifeline to Afghanistan, allowing aid and trade to flow despite tensions with Pakistan. The sanctions now risk isolating Kabul further and giving Pakistan greater leverage.

    3. Regional Connectivity Vision at Risk: India’s long-term ambition of becoming a regional connector—linking South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, and Europe—faces disruption. Without resilient diplomacy, financial commitments alone cannot sustain such projects.

    Conclusion

    The U.S. sanctions on Chabahar mark more than just a port setback; they represent the fragility of India’s external investments under shifting global dynamics. India must now:

    • Strengthen alternative connectivity projects under INSTC, particularly with Russia and Central Asia.

    • Deepen diplomatic engagement with Iran, ensuring that bilateral cooperation isn’t fully derailed.

    • Push for greater strategic autonomy in dealing with U.S. sanctions regimes, possibly by working with Europe and regional partners on sanction-proof financial mechanisms.

    Ultimately, Chabahar’s case reinforces a vital lesson: India’s rise as a regional connector requires not only money but also resilient, multipolar diplomacy.

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  • Elderly Care in India: Challenges & Support Systems

    Elderly Care in India: Challenges & Support Systems

    India’s elderly population will hit 300M by 2050. Explore challenges in healthcare, pensions, abuse, and policies, and the way forward for robust elderly care.

    Context:

    The traditional Indian family structure, often romanticised in the West as a self-sufficient unit for elderly care, is undergoing a seismic shift. India faces a daunting challenge as it prepares for a massive demographic transition, with its senior citizen population projected to reach 300 million by 2050.

    What is the status of the elderly in India?

    According to the UN World Population Ageing Report and India’s own data, the country is ageing rapidly:

    • Rapid Growth: India’s population of senior citizens (aged 60 and above) is one of the largest in the world and is growing at an unprecedented rate. It is projected to reach 300 million by 2050, (20% of the total population).
    • Feminisation of Ageing: Women tend to outlive men, leading to a higher proportion of elderly women, many of whom are widowed and financially dependent.
    • Ruralisation of Ageing: ~70% of the elderly population resides in rural areas (Census 2011), where access to healthcare and social security is even more limited.
    • Economic Dependency: A large section of the elderly is not part of the formal economy and lacks pension benefits, making them financially vulnerable and dependent on their families.
    Elderly Care in India
    Status of the elderly in India

    What are the challenges faced by the elderly, state, and society?

    • For the Elderly:
        • Financial Insecurity: Lack of regular pension, inadequate savings, and rising healthcare costs lead to economic dependence and poverty.
        • Health Issues: High prevalence of age-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs) like dementia, cardiovascular issues, and arthritis. Dementia India Alliance estimates ~9 million people with dementia, with care costs expected to triple by 2036. 
    • Lack of Healthcare Infrastructure: Elderly populations, with pre-existing health conditions and weaker immunity, face heightened vulnerability during pandemics along with the lack of accessible healthcare infrastructure.
        • Social Isolation: Migration of children, loss of spouse, and the breakdown of community ties lead to loneliness, depression, and mental health issues, further exacerbated by digital divide. 
        • Elder Abuse: Vulnerability to physical (Senicides), emotional, and financial abuse, often within families or by untrained caregivers.
        • Lack of Old Age Homes: According to NITI Aayog, old age homes are present in less than 500 districts across the country.
    • For the State and Society:
      • Healthcare Burden: Strain on the public health system to provide affordable, specialised, and long-term geriatric care.
      • Fiscal Pressure: Designing and funding sustainable pension schemes and social security nets for a massive population.
      • Interstate Variation: Southern and Western states are ageing faster with larger elderly populations, while Central and Northeastern states remain relatively younger, creating uneven policy and resource challenges.
      • Unregulated Care Sector: The private home-care and nursing home industry is largely unregulated, leading to variable quality, exploitation, and abuse.
      • Workforce Shortage: A severe lack of trained geriatric caregivers, nurses, and medical professionals specialising in elderly care.
      • Gendered Care Burden: Responsibility for elder care within families is mostly taken up by daughters, leaving them doubly burdened with domestic and caregiving roles.

    What measures have been taken by the state? 

    Constitutional provisions like Art 41 and Art 47 mandate the state to cater to the elderly section. 

      • National Action Plan for Senior Citizens (NAPSrC):
        It aims to create an ecosystem where senior citizens can age gracefully and live a life of dignity addressing their current and emerging needs.
    • Health:
        • National Programme for Health Care of the Elderly (NPHCE): Aims to provide dedicated healthcare facilities at district and regional levels.
        • Ayushman Bharat-Vayo Mitra: Provides health insurance coverage of ₹5 lakh per family per year for secondary and tertiary care hospitalisation. However, it does not cover critical long-term costs like home-based care, nursing homes, or palliative care.
        • Rashtriya Vayoshree Yojana: Caters to BPL elderly with assisting devices. 
    • Financial Security:
        • Atal Pension Scheme: Caters to unorganised sector (vendors and daily wage earners). 
        • Pradhan Mantri Vaya Vandana Yojana (PMVVY): A pension scheme for seniors offered by the Life Insurance Corporation (LIC).
        • Senior Citizens’ Saving Scheme (SCSS): A savings instrument offering higher interest rates for those above 60 and tax exemption on investments made (tax applicable on Interests gained).
    • Support & Community:
      • Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act, 2007: Makes it a legal obligation for children to provide maintenance to parents and provides for the establishment of Old Age Homes.
      • Elder Line (14567): A national helpline for senior citizens to address non-emergency cases related to care and support.
      • Home Voting Facility: Special provision for elderly citizens above 85 years of age, benefitting nearly 80 lakh voters across the country.
      • SACRED Portal: Senior Able Citizens for Re-Employment in Dignity (SACRED) connects skilled elderly citizens with employment opportunities; also promotes Elderly SHGs.
      • SAGE Initiative: Senior Care Ageing Growth Engine (SAGE) provides a single platform for credible start-ups offering products and services for elderly care.

    What more needs to be done?

    • Regulate the Care Economy: Establish a regulatory framework for nursing homes and home-care agencies, mandating standards, training, and certification for caregivers.
    • Geriatric Training: Integrate geriatric care into the curriculum of medical, nursing, and para-medical courses to build a skilled workforce.
    • Promote Financial Literacy & Products: Encourage financial planning for old age and develop more innovative and accessible pension and annuity products.
    • Community-Based Models: Develop and support community day-care centers, helplines, and support groups to combat isolation and provide respite for families (e.g. Manavlok community kitchen (Maharashtra), ‘Sponsor a Grandparent’ scheme by Abhoy Mission in (Tripura)).
    • Formal Health Pathways: Establish systematic linkages between households and public health facilities for routine health screening and referral services.
    • Affordable Care Packages: Encourage hospitals to design special, subsidised healthcare packages tailored to elderly needs.
    • Elder-Friendly Infrastructure: Ensure urban design, public buildings, transport, and civic amenities are accessible and elderly friendly.
    • Elderly SHGs: Integrate senior citizens’ Self-Help Groups with the National Rural Livelihoods Mission to provide income and social engagement opportunities.
    • Awareness Drives: Launch nationwide campaigns to raise awareness of legal safeguards—currently, only 12% of the elderly know about the Maintenance & Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act (LASI Survey).
    • CSR Engagement: Channelise Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) funds into elderly care initiatives such as healthcare, skill development, and community support systems.

    How do the elderly stand to benefit the nation?

    The elderly are not just a dependent demographic but a vast reservoir of human and social capital:

    • Longevity Dividend: Longer life expectancy translates into higher output per hour worked, per worker, and per capita.
    • Employment in Skill-Shortage Sectors: Older workers help fill gaps in sectors with labor shortages (e.g., Japan’s initiatives to employ seniors)
    • Social & Emotional Support: Strengthens family structures by providing guidance and emotional stability. They provide crucial childcare support, enabling their children to participate in the workforce, thus boosting the economy.
    • Knowledge Retention: Preserves critical skills, expertise, and continuity in traditional industries like craftsmanship.
    • Custodians of Culture: Safeguard traditions, languages, and historical knowledge for future generations.
    • Driving Innovation & Silver Economy: Their presence boosts economic diversification and creates markets targeting older populations.
    • Political & Civic Wisdom: Offer balanced perspectives in governance, policymaking, and community leadership.

    A robust elderly care system is not an expense but an investment that creates a virtuous cycle of economic stability, social cohesion, and intergenerational well-being.

     

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  • Moplah Revolt (1921): Agrarian Struggle Beyond Religion

    Moplah Revolt (1921): Agrarian Struggle Beyond Religion

    Explore the Moplah Revolt of 1921 in Malabar—agrarian roots, Khilafat link, leaders, British repression, communal fallout, and its lasting impact on India’s freedom struggle.

    Context:

    A new book release “Musaliar King” by Abbas Panakkal, sheds light on the Malabar Revolt, an important but often overlooked resistance movement in Kerala. It re-examines the Malabar Revolt’s significance, not just as a local peasant outburst, but as a part of the broader freedom struggle.

    What was the Event of Moplah Revolt?

    The Moplah Revolt broke out in August 1921 in Malabar, present-day Kerala. 

    • Who vs Who: Tenants (mainly Mappilas Muslims and some Thiyyas) vs Janmi landlords (mostly upper-caste Hindus) and British forces.
    • Time & Place: August 1921 – February 1922; concentrated in Malabar region.
    • Severity: Around 10,000 killed, tens of thousands imprisoned, forced conversions, property destruction, and massive British reprisals (notably the Wagon Tragedy).

    How Did the Regional Landscape Shape the Revolt?

    • Historical Resistance

        • Malabar had a long tradition of anti-colonial struggle, including Zamorin-led defiance and memories of Tipu Sultan.
        • Hindu–Muslim collaboration in defending local kings created a tradition of syncretic resistance.

    • Hindu–Muslim Collaboration and Fracture

        • Initially, many lower-caste Hindus (Cherumans, Thiyyas) joined Mappilas against landlords. R.N. Hitchcock (Police Superintendent, Malabar) acknowledged Hindu participation in Valluvanad.
        • However, British repression and propaganda communalised the movement, highlighting forced conversions and property destruction, driving a wedge between communities.

    • Zamindar–Peasant Divide

      • The revolt starkly revealed the Janmi (landlord) vs Verumpattakar (tenant) faultline.
      • Congress leaders (largely upper-caste landlords) failed to support peasants fully, creating a vacuum later filled by Communists and Muslim League.

    • Emergence of Malayala Rajyam:

      Ali Musaliar and Variyamkunnath Kunjahammed Haji established parallel peasant rule, collecting revenue and administering villages, showcasing a vision of alternative governance free from colonial authority.

    [stextbox id=’info’]

    Who were the prominent leaders of the resistance?

      • Ali Musaliar (Uppapa): Revered as a spiritual and political leader of the 1921 uprising, he was labelled ‘Ali Raji’ of Tirurangadi by the British. His leadership gave a unifying religious and anti-colonial thrust.
      • Variakunnath Kunjahammed Haji – Joined the Khilafat agitation and became the unquestioned leader of the movement. His execution in January 1922, marked the end of the rebellion. 
    • Seethi Koya Thangal – Another leader who set himself up as ‘King of Mannarghat.
    • Associated Congress leaders: K. Madhavan Nair, U. Gopala Menon, Moideen Koya
    Moplah Revolt
    Variakunnath Kunjahammed Haji
    Moplah Revolt
    Ali Musaliar (Uppapa)

    [/stextbox]

    What Factors Caused the Revolt?

    • Agrarian Exploitation

        • The Janmi–Kanakkaran–Verumpattakar system, a hierarchical traditional land tenure system, created multiple intermediaries between the landowner and the cultivator, with each level receiving a share of the land’s produce, leading to economic inequalities. 
        • High renewal fees, arbitrary evictions, and rack-renting (noted in the Malabar District Collector Innes Report, 1915) worsened peasant misery.
        • Moplah peasants (tenants-at-will), along with Thiyyas, faced disproportionate exploitation.

    • Colonial Land Policies

        • The British reinstated Hindu landlords post-1792, reversing gains made under Tipu Sultan.
        • The Moplah Outrages Act (1855) criminalised their protests.
        • Weak implementation of the Malabar Tenants Improvements Act (1887) failed to protect tenants (as noted in Logan’s Malabar Manual).

    • Political Movements

        • Non-Cooperation Movement (1920): Malabar District Congress Committee at Manjeri demanded tenancy reforms.
        • Khilafat Movement: Mobilised Muslim peasants around pan-Islamist solidarity; merged with agrarian discontent.

    • Immediate Triggers

      • Rumour of mosque desecration at Tirurangadi (Aug 1921) by British troops, which transformed discontent into violence.
      • Arrest of Khilafat leaders → direct confrontation.

    Thus, the revolt was a product of structural agrarian oppression + political awakening under nationalist and Khilafat campaigns + immediate colonial provocation.

    What Were the Impacts of the Moplah Revolt?

    • Human and Material Loss

        • Over 10,000 lives lost, widespread displacement, and property destruction
        • Wagon Tragedy (1921): 67 Moplah prisoners suffocated in a railway carriage en route to prison.

    • Political Consequences

        • Congress Weakening: Failure to defend peasants alienated Mappilas; loss of Muslim support in Malabar.
        • Rise of CPI: Communist Party tapped peasant radicalism in the 1930s–40s, framing it in class struggle.
        • Muslim League Growth: Gained ground by mobilising identity politics where Congress failed.

    • Legislative Reforms

        • The Malabar Tenancy Act, 1929 introduced limited tenancy rights and rent protections, under pressure from the rebellion’s legacy.

    • Communal Fallout

        • The British highlighted communal aspects (forced conversions, Hindu deaths) to divide Hindus and Muslims.
        • Left a shadow of mistrust in Kerala’s Hindu–Muslim relations, though later Communist land reforms (1950s) mitigated divisions.

    • Anti-Colonial Legacy

      • Demonstrated how agrarian discontent could converge with pan-Indian nationalist and religious movements.
      • Inspired later movements where peasants became central to freedom struggles (e.g., Telangana Peasant Revolt, 1946).

    What was the Character of the Event?

    The nature of the Moplah Revolt has remained deeply contested in historiography:

      • Colonial View: British officials classified it as a communal riot or “fanatical outbreak,” seeking to delegitimise it. Terms like Moplah Outrages were deliberately used.
    • Nationalist Historians: Historians like Bipan Chandra and Sumit Sarkar view it as a peasant uprising driven by agrarian discontent and opposition to landlords.
    • Left Historians (E.M.S. Namboodiripad): Highlighted agrarian oppression but acknowledged Khilafat’s influence.
    • Recent Scholarship (Abbas Panakkal, 2021): Demonstrates it was a fusion of agrarian, religious, and anti-colonial factors, with Hindu–Muslim solidarity initially strong but later fractured under British suppression and communal rhetoric.

    Thus, its character cannot be narrowly reduced—it was a multi-dimensional revolt shaped agrarian grievances, religious mobilisation, and anti-colonial aspirations.

    How Does It Compare with North India?

    Unlike Malabar, Muslims in North India during the Khilafat era largely participated through political mobilisation (meetings, petitions, protests) but did not combine it with agrarian revolt. Reasons:

    • North Indian Muslims were more urbanised and tied to ashraf leadership, less to tenant struggles.
    • Agrarian structures in UP and Bihar were different, with zamindari but not tenancy insecurity of Malabar’s intensity.
    • Thus, Malabar Moplahs uniquely fused Khilafat with agrarian class struggle, creating one of the fiercest peasant uprisings in colonial India.

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  • Saudi–Pakistan Defence Pact: A Keystone Compact

    Saudi–Pakistan Defence Pact: A Keystone Compact

    Explore the 2025 Saudi–Pakistan defence pact (SMDA): history, nuclear angle, collective security vision, and implications for India & West Asia.

    Saudi–Pakistan Defence Pact: A Keystone Compact

    Introduction

    On 17 September 2025, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif signed the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA) in Riyadh. Also present was Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, a reminder that the deal is rooted as much in military logic as in political diplomacy. The SMDA promises that the two countries will support one another in times of crisis. In The Hindu (20 September 2025), Mahesh Sachdev dismisses this accord as a “dodgy insurance policy,” arguing that it is weak, unreliable, and based on mistrust. His criticism rests on the view that Saudi Arabia and Pakistan have never sustained deep defence cooperation and are mainly pursuing narrow self-interest. Yet this sceptical view underestimates the agreement’s true importance. This essay argues that the SMDA should be seen instead as a cornerstone of collective security. It is a pact that draws strength from complementary abilities, adapts lessons from a troubled past, and responds to urgent modern threats.

    Fractured Brotherhood

    The story of Saudi–Pakistani military ties is indeed mixed. During the 1980s, around 20,000 Pakistani troops were stationed in the Kingdom to protect its holy sites and act as a shield against possible threats from Iran and Yemen. While this deployment initially appeared strong, the relationship soon soured. Saudi leaders treated the Pakistanis more like hired guards than equal partners, while Pakistani officers bristled at being commanded by outsiders. Religious tensions, such as the Saudi refusal to accept Shia soldiers in the contingent, further weakened trust. By 1990 the Pakistani troops were sent home, and later, when Saudi Arabia sought support during the Gulf War and the Yemen conflict, Islamabad declined to send its soldiers. These episodes gave rise to disappointment and suspicion on both sides.

    Critics such as Sachdev claim that this history proves future cooperation will collapse again. Yet such a conclusion misses the fact that history can also serve as a teacher. Unlike the ad hoc deployments of the 1980s, the SMDA is a formally codified treaty with defined obligations, joint training provisions, and standing consultative mechanisms. The agreement includes plans for regular joint military exercises and a permanent liaison framework between Riyadh and Rawalpindi. These institutional features mean that cooperation is no longer based on vague understandings or personal ties between rulers, but on structured channels of coordination. This makes the SMDA more resilient and less vulnerable to the misunderstandings that sank earlier arrangements.

    Changing Geopolitics

    The international setting today is very different from what it was in the late twentieth century. Saudi Arabia and Pakistan face a set of challenges that make closer cooperation not just desirable but essential. Iran’s growing influence across the region, its support for groups in Yemen, Lebanon, and Iraq, and its nuclear ambitions are concerns shared by both Riyadh and Islamabad. At the same time, the United States, long the main protector of Saudi Arabia, appears less reliable. When Israel carried out an air strike on Qatar in September 2025, Washington failed to act, even though Qatar hosts a major American base. This undermined confidence in US guarantees. Added to this is the ever-present risk of escalation between Israel and Iran, which makes the region more dangerous than at any point in recent decades.

    In such a climate, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan concluded that they could not rely on external powers alone. They needed an agreement that would bind two of the most important Muslim states together. The SMDA, signed at this critical moment, therefore reflects necessity as much as choice.

    Complementary Strengths

    One of the reasons the SMDA carries weight is that the two partners bring very different strengths which complement one another. Saudi Arabia has immense financial resources and some of the most advanced weapons systems in the world, purchased mainly from the United States. Yet the Kingdom has long struggled to develop a large and experienced fighting force that can fully use these weapons. Pakistan, on the other hand, has one of the world’s largest and most battle-tested armies. It also possesses nuclear weapons and a professional officer corps with decades of experience. What Pakistan lacks is money and access to cutting-edge equipment.

    Together, these strengths create a powerful combination. Saudi money and weapons paired with Pakistani manpower and expertise result in a credible defence alliance. In this sense, the SMDA resembles the logic behind NATO during the Cold War, where American industrial power and technology were matched by European soldiers and strategic depth. The agreement thus creates a force greater than the sum of its parts.

    Towards Collective Security

    Sachdev dismisses the SMDA as a narrow bargain that helps Riyadh feel more secure and allows Islamabad to earn money. But such a view ignores the broader implications. The agreement can be seen as the first step towards a wider Islamic collective security framework. Saudi Arabia is the custodian of Islam’s two holiest sites, while Pakistan is the only Muslim state with nuclear capability. When these two powers join forces, it sends a message of self-reliance to the rest of the Muslim world.

    Other Gulf states, such as Kuwait, Oman, and Qatar, may see in this pact an opportunity to join or coordinate with a new security structure that is not wholly dependent on the United States. Over time, the SMDA could evolve into a regional defence arrangement similar to NATO, where the security of one is tied to the security of all. Far from being a desperate deal, it is therefore a cornerstone on which broader regional security could be built.

    The Nuclear Question

    One of the most sensitive issues is the nuclear dimension. Critics worry that Pakistan might transfer nuclear weapons or technology to Saudi Arabia, recalling the scandal involving A.Q. Khan’s network. Sachdev points to this as a dangerous possibility. Yet this scenario is unlikely. A direct transfer of nuclear weapons would trigger international outrage and almost certainly provoke Israeli retaliation.

    What is more realistic is a form of deliberate ambiguity. The SMDA allows for the possibility that Pakistan could extend a form of nuclear protection to Saudi Arabia without transferring weapons. In other words, if Riyadh were threatened with nuclear attack, its enemies might fear that Pakistan would respond. This “nuclear umbrella” provides deterrence without breaking international rules. In fact, it could reduce the likelihood of Saudi Arabia developing its own nuclear programme, making the region more stable.

    Shared but Different Benefits

    It is true that Saudi Arabia and Pakistan do not enter this pact with identical aims. Saudi Arabia wants security and a credible partner to deter threats, especially from Iran. Pakistan wants financial support, oil, and access to advanced technology to help its struggling economy and modernise its military. Sachdev interprets these differences as proof that the pact is unstable. Yet many strong alliances are built on different but complementary needs. During the Cold War, the United States and its allies had differing goals, but together they sustained NATO for decades.

    The SMDA offers both partners what they most require. Riyadh gains a reliable partner with manpower and nuclear deterrence, while Islamabad gains the economic and military resources it cannot secure alone. This is a balance of needs that gives the pact resilience.

    Implications for India

    For India, the SMDA naturally raises concerns. It strengthens Pakistan, its long-standing rival, and could provide Islamabad with resources that alter the balance in South Asia. Sachdev suggests that Saudi Arabia reassured India and values its trading relationship enough to maintain balance. There is truth in this: Saudi Arabia remains a key partner for India, particularly in energy and trade, and has an interest in keeping those ties strong.

    At the same time, the pact does strengthen Pakistan’s position. While Saudi–Indian economic relations are robust, this weight cannot by itself offset the strategic reality that Riyadh is now underwriting Pakistan’s stability. Saudi financial aid and military cooperation directly enhance Pakistan’s capacity, regardless of India’s market size. Indeed, Saudi leaders may well compartmentalise: maintaining close trade with India while simultaneously reinforcing Pakistan militarily. This dual-track approach limits India’s leverage. Far from being fully reassured, New Delhi must accept that the SMDA redistributes power in South Asia by easing Pakistan’s vulnerabilities and indirectly complicating India’s strategic calculations.

    Conclusion

    The Saudi–Pakistan Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement is far more than the “dodgy insurance policy” described by Mahesh Sachdev. It is a cornerstone of collective security in a region where old alliances are weakening and new arrangements are urgently needed. It builds on lessons from a difficult past, responds to present dangers, and brings together the complementary strengths of Saudi wealth and Pakistani manpower.

    The nuclear question, often seen as a risk, may in fact provide stability by offering deterrence without spreading weapons. The differences in aims between the two countries make the pact practical rather than fragile, since each side gains exactly what it needs. For India, the pact presents challenges, but it may also reinforce incentives for restraint.

    In sum, the SMDA is not a desperate gamble but a bold and necessary step. Like NATO at its birth, it may appear uncertain, yet it holds the potential to grow into a foundation for regional security. It is better seen not as a weak insurance plan but as the keystone of a new security order in West Asia, with significant repercussions for South Asia as well.

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  • Out-of-Pocket Health Expenditure in India

    Out-of-Pocket Health Expenditure in India

    Explore why India’s out-of-pocket health spending remains high despite claims of decline, its impact on poverty, and reforms to reduce household burden.

    Context

    Healthcare in India has long been characterised by high out-of-pocket expenditure (OOPE). Despite official claims that OOPE is declining, ground-level evidence suggests the opposite: households are increasingly bearing the brunt of healthcare costs. This paradox points to deeper issues in data collection, public funding, and the design of India’s health financing systems.

    What is Out-of-Pocket Expenditure (OOPE)?

    Out-of-Pocket Expenditure (OOPE) refers to direct payments made by households at the point of receiving healthcare services, without reimbursement from the state or insurance. These payments typically cover:

    • Doctor’s fees

    • Medicines and diagnostics

    • Hospitalisation and procedures

    • Emergency care

    According to the National Health Accounts (NHA) 2021-22, OOPE constituted 40% of total health expenditure, down from 64% in 2013-14. While this may appear as a major achievement, OOPE continues to dominate household health financing in India.

    Globally, the contrast is stark. In most OECD countries, government expenditure is the backbone of healthcare financing, with OOPE accounting for less than 20% of the total. India’s reliance on households reflects weak public investment.

    What’s the hard truth behind the decline?

    The NHA reports suggest a steep fall in OOPE. However, a closer look reveals methodological and contextual limitations:

    1. Survey Dependence

    • NHA relies heavily on the National Sample Survey (NSS) 75th round (2017-18).

    • Later estimates are extrapolations adjusted only for inflation, ignoring structural shocks such as the COVID-19 pandemic.

    2. Contradictory Evidence

    • The Consumer Expenditure Survey (CES) 2022-23 shows OOPE as a share of household consumption has risen:

      • Rural: from 5.5% to 5.9%

      • Urban: from 6.9% to 7.1%

    • This indicates healthcare has become more expensive, not less.

    3. COVID-19 Distress

    • The CMIE Consumer Pyramids Household Survey recorded a V-shaped surge in OOPE during the pandemic, reflecting spikes in costs for hospitalisation, medicines, and oxygen.

    • NHA reports, however, fail to capture this shock.

    4. National Income Accounts (NIA) Evidence

    • NIA data shows a steady rise in household health spending as a share of GDP.

    • This directly contradicts NHA’s claims of decline.

    5. Reporting Gaps

    • Many households underreport ailments or avoid hospitalisation due to costs.

    • This artificially lowers recorded OOPE in surveys, even as actual financial distress rises.

    Out-of-Pocket Health Expenditure in India

    What are the implications of high OOPE?

    High OOPE leads to catastrophic consequences:

    1. Poverty Trap

    • The Economic Survey 2018-19 revealed that nearly 6 crore Indians are pushed below the poverty line every year due to health expenditures.

    • This creates a vicious cycle of ill health and poverty.

    2. Distress Financing

    • Families borrow money, sell assets, or cut down on essentials like food and education.

    • Women are forced into additional wage work, while children often drop out of school.

    3. Regional Inequities

    • As per NFHS-5 (2019-21), states with weak public health infrastructure (e.g., Bihar, Uttar Pradesh) report disproportionately high OOPE.

    • Wealthier states with better facilities show relatively lower OOPE burdens.

    4. Global Comparison

    • According to WHO, India’s public health expenditure (1.8% of GDP in 2021-22) is far below the LMIC average (~6%).

    • This underinvestment shifts costs to households, widening inequities.

    How Can India Reduce OOPE?

    1. Enhance Public Spending

    • The National Health Policy 2017 recommends raising Government Health Expenditure (GHE) to 3% of GDP.

    • This could lower OOPE to 30% of total health expenditure.

    2. Strengthen Ayushman Bharat – PM-JAY

    • Coverage: 50 crore people, but many gaps remain.

    • Issues: Low awareness, limited empanelment of private hospitals, and exclusions of outpatient care.

    • Needed: Expanded coverage, timely reimbursements, and greater private sector participation.

    3. Expand Primary Care Infrastructure

    • Strengthening Health and Wellness Centres (HWCs) is key to reducing costly hospitalisation.

    • Early detection and outpatient treatment can prevent catastrophic spending.

    4. Regulate Prices of Medicines and Diagnostics

    • The National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority (NPPA) must strictly enforce price caps.

    • Generic medicine availability through Jan Aushadhi Kendras should be scaled up.

    5. Improve Health Insurance Penetration

    • Beyond PM-JAY, private health insurance penetration remains low.

    • Affordable, inclusive insurance models are needed for the middle-income segment.

    6. Strengthen Data Credibility

    • Robust health expenditure tracking is essential.

    • Integration of NSS, CES, NIA, and CMIE data sources could yield more realistic OOPE estimates.

    The Way Forward

    India’s healthcare financing system is at a crossroads. While official reports project optimism, independent surveys reveal a growing burden on households. Unless India:

    • raises public spending,

    • strengthens health insurance and primary care, and

    • enforces drug price regulation,

    OOPE will continue to push millions into poverty each year.

    Reducing OOPE is not just about lowering costs—it is about ensuring equity, dignity, and access to healthcare as a fundamental right.

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    The Source’s Authority and Ownership of the Article is Claimed By THE STUDY IAS BY MANIKANT SINGH

  • India’s Geothermal Energy Policy 2025: Tapping Heat Beneath the Earth

    India’s Geothermal Energy Policy 2025: Tapping Heat Beneath the Earth

    Explore India’s first geothermal energy policy: potential, pilot sites, global collaborations, and how it diversifies India’s renewable portfolio.

    India’s renewable energy journey has so far been dominated by solar and wind power, both of which have grown at a rapid pace over the last two decades. However, in September 2025, India took a historic step by launching its first-ever National Geothermal Energy Policy, aiming to diversify its clean energy mix by tapping into the enormous heat reserves beneath the Earth’s crust.

    This move signals not just technological innovation but also a shift in India’s climate strategy: while solar and wind are intermittent, geothermal energy provides steady baseload power, potentially strengthening the reliability of India’s grid.

    The Estimated Geothermal Potential in India

    • According to the Geological Survey of India (GSI), India has 381 mapped hot springs, with surface temperatures ranging from 35°C to 89°C.

    • The International Energy Agency (IEA) estimates that India could harness ~4 GW of geothermal energy by 2035 and as much as 100 GW by 2045.

    • Policy projections suggest a near-term potential of 10 GW, provided adequate investments and pilot projects succeed.

    Why geothermal is a game-changer

    • Baseload Renewable Power: Unlike solar and wind, geothermal plants operate 24/7, ensuring grid stability.

    • Low Carbon Footprint: Produces negligible greenhouse gas emissions compared to coal or natural gas.

    • Repurposing Resources: Abandoned oil and gas wells can be converted into geothermal wells, reducing exploration costs.

    India’s Geothermal Energy Policy 2025: Tapping Heat Beneath the Earth

    Objectives of the National Geothermal Energy Policy 2025

    The new policy lays out a clear roadmap for geothermal development:

    1. Demonstrate Commercial Feasibility

      • Through pilot projects and R&D programmes, India aims to test whether geothermal energy can be scaled up for commercial production.

    2. Financial Support via Viability Gap Funding (VGF)

      • Exploration costs are very high—around ₹36 crore per MW. To offset this, the government will provide VGF to de-risk private investment.

    3. Repurposing Abandoned Wells

      • Oil & gas giants like ONGC, Cairn-Vedanta, and Reliance are exploring pilots to convert abandoned wells into geothermal producers.

    4. Multi-agency Coordination

      • The policy mandates cooperation between the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE), Petroleum Ministry, state governments, and private players.

    5. Enhanced Geothermal Systems (EGS)

      • The policy promotes EGS technologies—which involve artificially fracturing rocks to improve heat extraction—for large-scale deployment.

    Regions Identified for Geothermal Pilots

    India has multiple geothermal provinces, each with unique potential:

    1. Himalayan Geothermal Province

      • Puga and Chumathang (Ladakh): Considered the most promising geothermal fields in India.

      • Uttarakhand and Arunachal Pradesh: Attracting investments from Icelandic and Norwegian firms.

    2. Cambay Graben (Gujarat)

      • Thousands of abandoned oil wells offer immense potential for repurposed geothermal projects.

    3. Andaman & Nicobar Islands

      • Electricity currently costs ₹30–32 per unit; geothermal pilots could cut this to ~₹10 per unit, transforming the islands’ energy security.

    4. Barmer Basin (Rajasthan)

      • Collaboration between IIT Madras and Vedanta on a pilot producing ~450 kWh.

    5. Telangana Pilot

      • A closed-loop binary cycle demonstration plant showcases indigenous adaptation of global geothermal technologies.

    Regions Identified for Geothermal Pilots- India’s Geothermal Energy Policy 2025

    Geothermal Energy and India’s Energy Diplomacy

    India’s geothermal push is not just about domestic energy—it strengthens energy diplomacy and technology collaborations.

    Diversification of Clean Energy Portfolio

    • By adding geothermal to its portfolio, India enhances credibility in global climate negotiations and signals leadership in renewable diversification.

    Bilateral and Multilateral Engagements

    • Iceland: MoU since 2007 on geothermal exploration and technology transfer.

    • Saudi Arabia: Cooperation under a 2019 MoU includes geothermal energy.

    • United States: Under the 2023 Renewable Energy Technology Action Platform (RETAP), geothermal is a key area of joint R&D.

    FDI and Joint Ventures

    • The new policy allows 100% Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in geothermal projects, encouraging global capital and partnerships with India’s oil, gas, and mining industries.

    Advanced Exploration and Drilling

    • India is collaborating with international experts to improve deep drilling techniques and reservoir management.

    Closed-Loop Binary Cycle Plants

    • The Telangana demonstration is a first step toward commercial replication of this technology at scale.

    Strengthening Research Ecosystem

    • Under MNRE’s Renewable Energy R&D Programme, public research receives up to 100% funding, while private entities receive up to 70%.

    • Collaboration with GSI and Directorate General of Hydrocarbons aims to build a national geothermal data repository.

    Benefits of Geothermal Policy

    1. Energy Security: Adds a stable renewable source to reduce dependency on coal and imported fuels.

    2. Cost Reduction: Especially transformative for remote regions like Ladakh and Andaman & Nicobar.

    3. Climate Commitments: Supports India’s Net Zero 2070 pledge by diversifying renewable energy.

    4. Employment Generation: Creates new technical jobs in drilling, reservoir management, and renewable energy operations.

    5. Regional Development: Brings clean energy to underserved regions, supporting balanced growth.

    Challenges Ahead

    • High Exploration Costs: At ₹36 crore/MW, geothermal remains capital-intensive.

    • Technical Complexity: Requires advanced drilling and heat-extraction technologies.

    • Environmental Concerns: Risk of induced seismicity and groundwater contamination must be carefully managed.

    • Policy Integration: Needs alignment with state-level policies and coordination across ministries.

    Conclusion

    The National Geothermal Energy Policy 2025 marks a bold step in India’s clean energy transition. By targeting geothermal pilots in Ladakh, Gujarat, Andaman, and Rajasthan, the policy demonstrates intent to move beyond conventional renewables into baseload clean energy solutions.

    With global collaborations, FDI opportunities, and indigenous innovations like closed-loop binary systems, geothermal could emerge as a pillar of India’s energy future. Success will depend on sustained financial support, strong R&D, and effective risk management.

    In the long term, geothermal energy has the potential not just to power homes and industries, but to reshape India’s renewable energy landscape—ensuring a stable, low-carbon, and inclusive future.

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  • CAG’s AI & Remote Auditing: Digital Accountability

    CAG’s AI & Remote Auditing: Digital Accountability

    Explore how CAG’s AI, remote audits, and digital platforms enhance efficiency, transparency, and citizen accountability in India’s fiscal governance.

    CAG’s AI & Remote Auditing: Digital Accountability

    Context

    India’s governance landscape is undergoing a rapid digital transformation. At the heart of this shift stands the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India, the constitutional authority responsible for auditing public finances and ensuring accountability in government expenditure. In 2025, the CAG has embarked on pioneering reforms using Artificial Intelligence (AI), remote auditing, and digital platforms, positioning itself as a global leader in next-generation public audit practices.

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    Role of the CAG

    Before examining the reforms, it is vital to understand the institutional position of the CAG:

    • Constitutional Mandate: The CAG is an independent authority under Articles 148–151 of the Constitution, tasked with auditing Union, state, and public sector accounts.

    • Guardian of Public Purse: Called the “watchdog of public finance,” the CAG ensures government spending adheres to Parliament’s authorisation and promotes transparency.

    • Accountability Mechanism: Audit reports are placed before legislatures and examined by the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), providing a crucial check on the executive.

    Historically, the CAG has uncovered several landmark cases of financial mismanagement and corruption, such as the 2G spectrum allocation and coal block allocations. Today, as governance moves to digital systems, the CAG must also evolve—hence the adoption of AI and remote auditing.

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    Recent Reforms Introduced by the CAG

    1. AI-powered Auditing (CAG-LLM)

    • By November 2025, the CAG will release its first Large Language Model (LLM) trained on decades of inspection reports.

    • Features:

      • Detects patterns and anomalies in large financial datasets.

      • Assists auditors in risk identification and forecasting.

      • Automates draft report preparation, improving efficiency.

    • Impact: Moves audits from post-facto detection to predictive and preventive accountability, a model similar to global best practices.

    2. Remote & Hybrid Audits

    • Initial pilots in:

      • Receipts Audit: GST audits using SQL-based queries.

      • Expenditure Audit: Public Works audit in Haryana.

    • These pilots have now been scaled up nationwide.

    • Benefits: Reduced need for physical inspections, enabling greater coverage at lower cost while maintaining rigour.

    3. Digital Platforms

    • CAG-Connect Portal:

      • Unified digital interface for nearly 10 lakh auditee entities.

      • Allows transparent, paperless replies to audit queries and inspection reports.

      • Ensures real-time tracking of audit correspondence.

    • Integration with Geospatial Tools:

      • Example: Use of PM GatiShakti portal for evidence-based auditing of infrastructure projects.

      • Links expenditure with physical progress using satellite and GIS data.

    4. Institutional Innovations

    • Data Analytics Cells created in field offices to handle large datasets.

    • Appointment of Digital Transformation Officers (DTOs) for real-time coordination of digital audit processes.

    5. PRI (Panchayati Raj Institution) Audits

    • Example: West Bengal’s Virtual Audit System, integrated with AuditOnline, enabling paperless certification of Panchayati Raj accounts.

    • Ensures accountability at the grassroots level where schemes directly impact citizens.

    Benefits of the Reforms

    1. Efficiency and Coverage

    • Remote/hybrid audits reduce the need for extensive field visits.

    • This increases audit coverage, especially across states with large numbers of auditee entities.

    • Saves significant time and resources.

    2. Data-led Governance

    • AI-driven analytics sharpen risk identification, similar to risk-based audit models used by OECD nations.

    • Enables focus on high-risk sectors, such as GST compliance, infrastructure contracts, and welfare schemes.

    3. Transparency

    • The CAG-Connect Portal ensures that all interactions between auditors and departments are paperless, trackable, and auditable.

    • Reduces delays, subjectivity, and opacity in the audit process.

    4. Strengthening Fiscal Federalism

    • The Publication on State Finances (2022–23) highlights 10-year inter-state fiscal trends, empowering states with comparative insights.

    • Evidence-based policymaking at the state level gets a major boost.

    5. Citizen-Centric Accountability

    • Integration of audits across GST, PRIs, and Public Works ensures closer monitoring of programmes directly affecting citizens.

    • Enhances the link between expenditure and outcomes, reinforcing public trust.

    Challenges and Way Forward

    Despite these promising reforms, some challenges persist:

    • Capacity Building: Training auditors to use AI models and digital tools effectively.

    • Data Security: Ensuring that sensitive government and citizen data remains protected within audit systems.

    • Integration with Legacy Systems: Many states still rely on outdated accounting systems, complicating digital integration.

    • Balancing Automation with Human Judgment: AI tools assist auditors but cannot replace the nuanced judgment required in interpreting governance failures.

    The way forward lies in continuous capacity building, ensuring robust cybersecurity, and fostering international partnerships to benchmark India’s reforms with global best practices.

    Conclusion

    The CAG’s AI and remote auditing reforms represent a historic leap in India’s accountability framework. By embedding AI, digital platforms, and geospatial tools into audit practices, the CAG is moving from retrospective audits to predictive, preventive oversight.

    For a country as vast and complex as India, these reforms ensure that accountability keeps pace with digitised governance systems, reinforcing the principle of “government by responsibility, not discretion.”

    The success of these reforms will not only shape India’s domestic fiscal governance but also provide a global model for how supreme audit institutions can transform in the digital age.

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    The Source’s Authority and Ownership of the Article is Claimed By THE STUDY IAS BY MANIKANT SINGH